Programa de Pós-graduação em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

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A crise internacional de 2008 e a integração regional: os efeitos e as estratégias adotadas no Mercosul e na União Europeia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-02) Almeida Filho, Marcelo Marques de; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Durães, Telma Ferreira do Nascimento; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araújo; Lucena, Andréa Freire de
This study aims to analyze the impacts of the economic crisis of 2008 in the MERCOSUR and the EU until 2013 and set out the main economic strategies adopted by the two integration schemes to combat the crisis. The effects and strategies adopted by South Americans Brazil and Argentina and Europeans Germany and Greece will also be assessed, as the decisions are not unanimous in the processes and each country has sought different solutions internally, changing the reflects of the crisis according to the case. The study will weave an overview about what are the international economic crisis and how they affect integration schemes. Considering that international regimes and studies on cooperation influence the integration, the analysis of these fit into explanations of what are international economic crises. The hypothesis is that MERCOSUR and EU retract as the main effect of the economic crisis of 2008, fitting with the theoretic expectation that integration processes reduces economic transactions and limit political retract and institutional agreements in times of during economic crises. Meanwhile, the reaction of the two largest economies of MERCOSUR and the process as a whole is contradictory, as Argentina and Brazil rose protectionism among them, at the same time that the scheme has worked to include more members and open up new consumer markets. In the EU, nor the countries were able to reach a consensus on anti-crisis measures and, therefore, the recession persists. Aiming to test the hypotheses, the study use a qualitative methodology of analysis and promote a historical reconstitution of the formation of the integration processes and the relationships between them. In theoretical terms, both neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism provide contributions to identify patterns of behavior adopted by the two schemes in relation to crises.
Políticas públicas para a juventude: uma análise da implementação do ProJovem Urbano em Goiânia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-05-29) Alves, Sandra Regina; Lameirão, Camila Romero; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1401479784897625; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Saddi, Fabiana Cunha; Sofiati, Flávio Munhoz; Bezerra, Heloísa Dias
This research aims to understand the implementation process of the ProJovem Urbano (Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens – the National Program of Youth Inclusion) in the city of Goiânia, Goiás, Brazil. In order to reach this objective, a mapping of the Program was realized since its original version in 2005, going by its reformulation in 2008, until 2012, the last year of execution of ProJovem Urbano in Goiânia. To analyse a public policy requires a fine perception of the political, economic and social country's configuration, so that this three fields will guide the explanation of these policies' impact on the young and the society. Thus, the dynamics evolved at the moment of implementation, its institutional spread, its legal stand and the State's action towards the public policies by the concepts of federalism, decentralization and Welfare State, are relevant elements to understand the matter. Brazil's 1988 Constitution was a turning point regarding the public policies decentralization, so that the three government levels started working in cooperation to provide the policies and programs to citizens. Finally, despite being contrasting perspectives, the research favoured the top-down and bottom-up analysis models, for supplying the inspiration in different analytical moments of the Program by means of a methods triangulation
Injustiça estrutural e responsabilidade política compartilhada no pensamento de Iris Marion Young
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-09-20) Araujo, Rayanne Saturnino de; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Silva, Adriano Correia da; Negamine, Renata Reverendo Vidal Kawano
Iris Marion Young (1949-2006) researched topics such as gender, social oppression, democracy, justice, race, equality, globalization, and international relations. In this research, I propose to explore your reflections on the theme of justice, specifically, I want to understand how the concept of shared political responsibility, developed by her, becomes central to the reduction of structural injustices. To this end, I make a conceptual analysis of Young’s reflections on the themes of justice/injustice, recognition, democracy and political responsibility. In this process I analyze several concepts that Young elaborated to: make a critique of the distributive paradigm of justice; situate democracy as a means to promote justice; and devise a way to consider the unintentional actions of individuals on the theme of justice. I consider as research source her three main books: Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990), Inclusion and Democracy (2002), and Responsibility for Justice (2011) and other articles related to the topics covered. It was possible to identify that Young’s thought has many contributions to the theme of justice, but there are also some underdeveloped aspects. Young understands that justice must be grounded in Habermas’s ethics of communicative action, not in the notion of social contract as Rawls does. She suggests that we should broaden the scope of justice beyond distributive issues to consider other types of relationships that also give rise to injustices, such as division of labor, decision-making processes, and culture. Young is more concerned with identifying processes of injustice that can be resolved than with devising a perfectly just society. It follows that she does not have a clear and systematized concept of what she understands for justice. For her we must consider that a situation is unfair when social groups, in detriment of the structural position they occupy, suffer domination or oppression. As a result, injustice to Young is structural. Democracy is placed by the philosopher as the central way to promote justice, which when does not work well can contribute to injustice by keeping certain groups excluded. For this reason, Young reviews the conception of deliberative democracy to make it more inclusive of marginalized social groups. She proposes to broaden the mechanisms of communication, review the notion of representation and reflect on governance exercised at the local and global levels. In this discussion, Young suggests that we should push democracy across borders. Finally, to consider how unintended individual actions link to unfair structural social processes, Young consider the level of structural action of individuals rather than the interactional level. At the structural level people contribute to unfair processes through everyday habits and practices, so their actions and choices must be subject to some kind of judgment - political responsibility. For this reason, Young was concerned with defining the kind of responsibility we should give individuals for injustice, as their actions are being disregarded by theories of justice, although they are fundamental to making the world less unfair.
Brasil, Arábia Saudita e a "correção de rumo": a construção da relação bilateral entre brasileiros e sauditas durante governo Geisel (1974-1979)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-25) Barcelos, Luana de Melo; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Alarcon, Danillo
Before the consequences caused by OPEC member countries resulted in the first oil shock, in 1973, Brazil had began a diplomatic rapprochement with the Middle East. Within the history of Brazil's international relations, the year 1973 is assigned, therefore, as the starting point for the pro-Arab political phase. Diplomatic and consular representations were formed thereafter, and diplomatic ties were strengthened. Brazilian foreign policy has undergone changes, mainly due to the change in management. This paper sought to detail, specifically, the construction of the diplomatic and commercial relationship between Brazil and Saudi Arabia during the Geisel government (1974-1979). Therefore, the objective of the research is to identify the reasons that led Brazil to approach diplomatically and commercially Saudi Arabia in the years 1973 to 1979. In order to make sense of this bilateral relationship, the following question arises: How did Brazil approach diplomatically and commercially from Saudi Arabia in the Geisel Government (1974-1979)? To analyze this bilateral relationship, the research was methodologically based on the development of the historical method, so that there was an analysis of primary sources - through journalistic texts, official documents and telegrams - and secondary sources, mainly through articles , books and dissertations that had the historical theme of the Geisel government.
Capacidade de saúde e cidadania: convergências empíricas e teóricas entre qualidade da democracia e saúde pública na América Latina (2000-2019)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-29) Barretos, Maria Luiza Pereira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo
The study assesses the effect that democracies, of varying levels of quality, have on public health in Latin America between 2000 and 2019. Public health is portrayed based on Ruger's (2009) conceptualization of health capacity in States of Justice. Health capacity, human flourishing so that individuals can select their ways of life and valuable actions, becomes feasible in regimes that allow public participation and the treatment of health as a human right. To determine the possible relationship between quality of democracy and (capacity for) health, correlation tests and analysis of variance are applied, with complementary tests to aggregate indicators related to the variables. studied. The independent variable is the Participatory Democracy Index of the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, and the dependent variables, infant mortality and life expectancy rates. The main finding is a strong association between quality of democracy and public health. On a scale of 0 to 1, democracies of a quality greater than 0.4 have a positive impact on public health, especially when there is greater diffusion of universal social welfare policies. In addition, the results from the analysis of variance demonstrate the difficulty with this type of statistical test for the treated elements.
Luta por reconhecimento, políticas públicas, economia solidária e economia criativa: um estudo do povo Kalunga
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-11-12) Belchior, Luciana de Araujo Rosa Rocha; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Oliveira, Dijaci David de; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha
Recognition permeates from the point of view of the most diverse areas and sources, which, through their studies, seek support for the resolution of social conflicts that lead groups to fight to be recognized in their difference and identification. Blacks, women, homosexuals, Indians, struggle to confirm their rights through a legal system and laws. In this examination, the relationship seeks to recognize the remaining quilombo communities, studying the case of the Kalunga people, and the theories presented by Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and in particular that of Axel Honneth, who published the work “The Struggle for Recognition: the moral grammar of social conflicts ”, which deals strictly with the theme. With the promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, after several political debates and with the participation of Movements engaged in the fight for racial equality, Article 68 of the Acts of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions (ADCT) was inserted, which changed the legal, political and social conditions of the quilombo remnants, although social transformation still requires the implementation of Public Policies to resolve inequality and a recognition that exalts their historical and cultural difference. It was colonialism, more specifically from the time of the flags, that the Kalunga quilombola people emerged, whose history begins with the occupation of the state of Goiás. Enslaved to work in mining, the escapes of men of African origin became numerous, and the quilombos , the social result of these escapes, were frequent throughout the history of gold in Goiás. On November 20, 2009, Black Consciousness Day, the territory of the remaining quilombo community Kalunga was recognized by presidential decree, having the Quilombo Association Kalunga (AQK), as his legal guardian and continuing his tireless struggle for recognition. The Ethnodevelopment and Solidarity Economy Project (2013), according to its final research report, the biggest problems faced by the community, the lack of job opportunities and income generation is the most serious point. In this vein, this study seeks to analyze whether the Creative Economy, an economy driven by the cultural aspects of a society and the Solidary Economy that is an alternative of income and work that aims at social inclusion are capable to alleviate these problems, intrinsic to the recognition as a cultural community and of specific identity values, using the study of Public Policies, which are the government's answer to social problems.
Relação civil militar na Guiné-Bissau (2000-2020)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-06-27) Bissindé , Cam-Naté Augusto; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Pereira, Analúcia Danilevicz
Given a context of extreme political, economic and social instability in Guinea-Bissau, it is intended, through this dissertation, to study the cycles of interventions of the Armed Forces in everyday political life over the last two decades. The work seeks to study, deliberately, how the successive blows took place, and what impacts the society reaped. The work is divided into three parts, in addition to the introduction and final considerations. In the first part, some concepts related to the theme of civil-military relationship are addressed, to bring together the thought of experts on the subject and dialogue about the approaches they present. In the second part, the emphasis is on the historical contextualization of the formation of the Armed Forces of Guinea-Bissau in a context marked by the national liberation struggle against Portuguese colonialism. The third and final part deals specifically with the 2014 general election, analyzing the expectations and political frustrations marked by the political-party crisis. Also in the last part was made the analysis of interviews.
Entre a Resistência e a Repressão: uma análise da Securitização dos Movimentos Sociais no Brasil e na Colômbia durante a Pandemia de COVID-19
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-10-29) Bosco, Vander Finotti; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Lopes, Rafael Bittencourt Rodrigues; Madeira, Gabriel Bento
The securitization process is a widely studied topic in international relations when we think about themes that address the international community and highlight the relationship between the speaker (securitizing agent) and the listener (Public Opinion). This work investigates the role of social media in the securitization of social movements during the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on Brazil and Colombia. Based on Critical Security Studies and using Stritzel as a starting point for the analyses, it analyzes how States tend to frame social movements as threats to national security, associating them with terrorist acts. Using data triangulation, the research examines the impact of social media on the articulation and resistance of movements in the face of state repression, employing digital media analysis and field research to understand whether Stritzel's theory, previously examined from and for the Global North, can be used from the perspective of the Global South.
A Lei de Acesso à Informação em Goiás e seus efeitos na política de transparência pública do Poder Executivo estadual (2015-2018)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-08-28) Brandão, Maria D’Abadia de Oliveira Borges; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Ferreira, Vicente Da Rocha Soares; Ferreira, Denise Paiva
The study investigates the process of implementation the Access to Information Law and its effects on the public transparency of the state executive branch in Goiás from 2015 to 2018 with regard to information published by the state agencies of the executive branch of the state, considering active transparency and passive. The research was carried out through the analysis of conformity of the information published by the state administration, aiming to understand the institutional effort of the state public power to make public the information under its custody or produced by it. The main source of information for the empirical research was Access to the Transparency l, the direct and indirect administration websites related to transparency (passive and active). The data gathered and documents analyzed show that the available information published on the transparency portal largely complied with the provisions of the legislation, and that in terms of active transparency, there was an institutional effort to follow the legislation, although not in its entirety. With regard to passive transparency, we found that the information demanded by citizens from the public authorities occurred and has been consolidated over the years analyzed, even if in an embryonic way. The findings lead us to ensure that there is a window of opportunity for process improvement in public policy already in place, aiming to achieve the state of the art in public transparency in Goiás.
Política e fiscalidade: uma crítica à teoria democrática contemporânea a partir do Sul Global
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-16) Cambuim, Raul Costa; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Faria, Cláudia Feres; Miguel, Luís Felipe
This work sought to explore the intimate relationship between taxation and democracy in general. Thus, a socio-fiscal approach was justified in order to assess the way in which fiscal policy would appear or not in part of the democratic theory considered “conventional” and which was produced in Brazil after redemocratization. In this sense, the potentialities of fiscal sociology were highlighted, a field still in consolidation, but very promising in placing fiscal policy itself as a relevant explanatory variable, as well as the importance and role of fiscal conflicts in shaping modern politics. In addition, the concept of neoliberalism was rescued from reflections on the possible democratic declines that have been observed for a variety of countries in recent years, especially through the sadness of public finances and the construction of a global “new social organization”. However, a specific historical expression of this phenomenon, which is typical of the Global South, was mobilized to explain the Brazilian case and its particularities, thus demonstrating that even the least demanding notions of democracy have been diluted in scenarios of selective and anti-democratic public budgets. Therefore, it is argued that class struggles in contemporary liberal democracies happen, especially, around disputes and conflicts involving public budget resources.
Órgão de solução de controvérsias da Organização Mundial do Comércio: uma análise de sobrevivência dos países-membros aos contenciosos no período de 1995 a 2018
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-03-20) Carvalho, Samuel Rufino de; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Ribeiro, Pedro Feliú; Thomaz, Laís Forti
The Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organizations (WTO) is the main instrument through which member states stake their claims. The organization is an assertive reflection of the International Trade Regime (ITR). In this respect, this dissertation aims at analyzing whether the level of development of a member state affects its participation in the DSB, impacting on the effectiveness of the ITR in solving two problems of the international trade system: protectionism and the obstacles to development. For this purpose, the Simple Effectiveness (SE) of International Regimes was utilized as theoretical framework. The Survival Analyses was used as methodology. It focuses on the time until the occurrence of an event of interest. Therefore, the events analyzed were the complaints and responses before the DSB. Two different tools were used. First, the Kaplan-Meier Curve, which indicates the survival time of an individual until the occurrence of an event, was plotted. Thereafter, the Cox Regression was used. This tool associates the Survival Analyses to linear regression in order to examine the impacts of some independent variables (IVs) on the time until the occurrence of the events observed. The results showed that states with higher levels of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Human Development Index (HDI), and with bigger population have more chances of initiating a dispute and being questioned. Likewise, the American and the European continents are more likely to experience these events. In respect to the status of development, it was perceived that developed countries (DC) and developing countries (DCs) experience the incidence of an event more easily when compared to least developed countries (LDC). Regarding the variables related to the disputes, no set of characteristics could satisfactorily explain the occurrence of the events. As final thoughts, it was noted that the ITR is not able to reach complete effectiveness due to the lack of consensus among member states concerning the issue to be solved by the Regime.
O desenvolvimento da doutrina brasileira de cooperação civil-militar: da MINUSTAH à Segurança Pública
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-08-26) Coelho, Dalila Luiza; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Marques, Adriana Aparecida; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann
This study analyzes the development and characteristics of the Brazilian doctrine of Civil-Military Coordination (CIMIC) and its relationship with the Brazilian military's role in domestic politics. It relies on an academic literature that discusses how participation in Peace Operations can negatively affect the relationship between the Armed Forces and civilians in troop-contributing countries through the development of techniques and discourses that enable military expansion into civilian life. Drawing on this literature, we ask how this occurs. To answer this question, we analyze the Brazilian CIMIC doctrine and the expansion of the Armed Forces into the field of Public Security. The study relies on academic literature discussing the lessons learned from MINUSTAH within the scope of GLO and Pacification operations, as well as on studies about the subsequent implementation of practices experienced abroad in Brazil as a reference. To analyze the trajectory of the CIMIC concept, we analyzed primary sources, particularly the Final Employment Reports of the Contingents, as well as semi-structured interviews with two military personnel who participated in MINUSTAH. The results lead to the conclusion that the way the concept was constructed in the doctrine, the elements that compose it, and the interest in using it in domestic operations indicate that CIMIC can aid the military in the process of expanding into national politics. This work contributes both to the literature addressing the impacts of peace missions and to the discussions on civil-military relations.
Ação discricionária e criação embrionária de política pública: agentes comunitários de saúde no enfrentamento à violência e familiar contra a mulher
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-12-10) Coutinho, Rúbian Corrêa; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Durães, Telma Ferreira Nascimento; Telma Ferreira Nascimento Durães; Schimchak, Gabriella Assumpção Alvarenga
The Public Policy literature in Political Science provides the theoretical basis for understanding the dynamics of implementation and its importance in the process of delivering public services to society. This type of implementation analysis presents itself as a gap in the Brazilian literature in relation to the performance of community health agents (CHAs) in the preservation of women's human rights. The present work is based on the theory of Bureaucracy of Street Level and interrelated concepts, practical patterns (concepts) identified and developed by Lipsky (1980), characterized by discretionary actions, causing or not the creation of public policies in the front line. Quantitative and qualitative methods are applied. Design of semi-structured questionnaire with closed questions (quantitative variables) and open questions (qualitative variables). Due to the pandemic of COVID 19, research was done through online (WhatsApp) sent to 348 (CHAs) in Goiânia. 147 responses were obtained, a descriptive statistical analysis was carried out, tables of contingencies (crosstabulations) of the closed questions, thematic analysis and synthesis of the open questions. The results revealed that community health agents exercise little discretionary; their actions are permeated by dilemmas: a) between the requirement of notification and personal security; b) notification and confidentiality or respect for the privacy of the woman served; c) link with the service and professional ethics, resulting in little embryonic creation of public policy. It is necessary to invest in the training of the CHA so that he can get to know the Maria da Penha Law better. Concrete actions are also needed that help the CHA to alleviate or remedy dilemmas experienced during the work (whether at the time of notification, monitoring or other), thus leading to a provision of quality service in addressing domestic and family violence against women.
Mandato coletivo de Alto paraíso de goiás: dinâmicas de atuação e estímulo à participação popular entre 2017 e 2020
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-06-22) Dutra, Leonardo Coelho dos Santos; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Santos, Rayani Mariano dos; Gugliano, Alfredo Alejandro
The present research carries out a case study on the Collective Mandate of Alto Paraíso de Goiás, which was in force between the years 2017 and 2020. that would be inserted in the representative system, different, therefore, from the classic models of participatory democracy, it will seek to identify in the model under examination the occurrence of opening for the manifestation of the local population. Thus, the primary objective of this work is to investigate the extent to which the discourses frequently found in political campaigns and advertising materials would be necessary, which could also be identified in the analysis of academic texts, in the sense that the exercise of collective mandates would have the ability to promote an effective participation of the population in the decisions of the State. More than a narrative, the statements can be understood as a desire of the groups, since they invariably adopt postures and in fact implement programs that they believe are fulfilling the objective of inclusion. In the case of Alto Paraíso de Goiás it was no different. From the campaign, through the exercise of the mandate to the interviews with the mandate ended, the members maintained that they identified with this participatory ideal, through extra-parliamentary programs and bills. Thus, in order to investigate the extent to which expectations were met with effective popular participation, the present case study was carried out on the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary action of the Collective Mandate, in order to analyze the proposed question, using as a parameter the recent theories of representative democracy, which, it is believed, indicate ways to adequately respond to the problem.
A política Africana do Brasil como parte do pragmatismo ecumênico e responsável (1974-1979)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-05) Guimarães, Beatriz dos Reis Silva; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Alarcon, Danillo; Franco, Geisa Cunha
Brazil's foreign policy during the Geisel government (1974-1979), entitled Ecumenical and Responsible Pragmatism, took as one of its priorities the strengthening of ties with friendly nations overseas. The interest in Black Africa was not a surprise since, during the Médici government (1969-1974), the Minister of Foreign Affairs Gibson Barboza carried out an important mission to the African continent with the aim of evaluating the nations that until then were fighting for independence. In the 1970s, on the international scene, there was a strengthening of the Third World movement, the immersion of a narrative in favor of human rights, the Carnation Revolution (1975) and the first two Oil Crises (1973 and 1979). Domestically, the Brazilian military dictatorial regime (1964-1985) was heading towards its transition period, and there was a need to expand new markets, strengthen Brazil's image as a relevant international player, and secure oil supplies, among other priorities. Consequently, turning to the African continent (especially Southern Africa) became not only a priority but a necessity on the Brazilian foreign policy agenda. The objective of this dissertation is to analyze Brazil's African policy during the Geisel government and understand the elements that originated the formation and implementation of the strategy used under the command of Foreign Minister Azeredo da Silveira. As a methodology, this work uses analysis of primary sources from historical archives from CPDOC (Center for Research and Documentation of Contemporary Brazilian History) in parallel with a bibliographic review of the period in question, with the aim of establishing a dialogue between the authors on the subject and the vision of Itamaraty.
Burocratas de nível de rua ou elites? Aspectos estruturais e recrutamento na Defensoria Pública brasileira
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-05-09) Jesus, Gustavo Alves de; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5357071817030412; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Ribeiro, Ednaldo Aparecido
The present work analyzes the process of structuring the Brazilian Public Defender's Office and the recruitment of public defenders considering the changes brought about by Constitutional Amendment n° 80/2014, which claims to be the institution “an expression and instrument of the democratic regime”. The function of the defender is the object of analysis according to the theories of elites and bureaucracy at the street level, in order to subsequently assess the possible effects of the framework on the public policy of access to justice. The topic gains relevance when considering the expansion of the institution to all jurisdictional units, unfinished, but expected to occur by the end of 2022. Added to this is the reduced number of studies on the institution with the potential to serve approximately 80 % of the Brazilian population. To promote exploratory research, primary and secondary databases were used. The formation of the primary database had 706 questionnaires, resulting in a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 3.5%, while the secondary database had the participation of all general public defenders and through surveys with all public defenders and 3,134 responses, resulting in a survey with a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 1.3%. Respondents were asked about their socio-demographic profile and their perception of the structure of the Public Defender's Office, stating that the institution is made up mostly of white people, from high-income families and with a high level of education. Defenders are part of elites in a broad sense, but only part of the members make up political elites, being street-level bureaucrats by nature. Thus, the results on the inadequacy of work structure, workload and reflections on care are relevant, with the first two items being associated with each other.
Estado e neoliberalismo: o pensamento de Wolfgang Streeck e o caso brasileiro
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-02-22) Marra, Kariny Cruz Nogueira; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; Silva, Hugo Fanton Ribeiro da
The main objective of the present research was to analyze to what extent the ideal-typical notion of the debt State elaborated by Wolfgang Streeck, who focused on understanding the contours of the financial and fiscal crisis of current capitalism, applies to the Brazilian State after the Constitutional Amendment nº. 95. Specifically, we propose a bibliographic review regarding the foundations of the modern State from the perspective of budget and taxation, carrying out the hypothesis that these two vectors are also capable of explaining power relations. Understand the strengths and weaknesses of the theory from a deep mapping of the theory itself, but also of the theoretical, historical, economic and political contexts. Initially, from authors who have directly criticized the theory of crisis presented by Streeck, such as Jürgen Habermas, Adam Tooze (2017), Jerome Roos (2019), Melinda Cooper (2017) and others that can be used as a contrast, Mark Blyth (2017) for example, we hypothesized that public debt is not an independent variable, as suggested. In fact, indebtedness has always been part of the fiscal policy of states, playing a relevant role, including in the evolution of capitalist states (ROOS, 2019). Thus, although it is evident that high public debt rates had relevant consequences for the world after 2008, it is not an intrinsic problem, much less the determining factor or condition for the democratic problems that followed. For this reason, with regard to the Brazilian case, the thesis presented by Streeck is unable to explain the contours of the country's fiscal and political situation, since Streeck ignores a central aspect of the dynamics between debt creditors and the State. It is not merely an economic issue, in which there is a growing debt that needs to be paid by a debtor who finds it increasingly difficult to pay off his debts, but it is a political issue. The peculiar situation in which Brazil finds itself, with regard to its public finances, in view of the extreme austerity measures that have been applied in the country, cannot be explained by the conception of the Debt State, or by the confrontation of Staatsvolk by the Marktvolk.
A repercussão do Bill Palmerston na imprensa brasileira no ano de 1839
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-10-03) Martins, Victor Henrique Simonselos; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Youssef, Alain El; Brito, Adriane Sanctis de
This dissertation examines the public debate in the Press of Rio de Janeiro, which occurred in 1839, to answer its research question: how did the Brazilian Press react to the tightening of British actions to cease the transatlantic slave trade? To do so, it focuses on the repercussions of the Palmerston Bill and the impact of International Relations on the Rio de Janeiro Press during that time. The collected database consists of 1457 printed journals available in the Digital Newspaper Library of the National Library which circulated in the Capital of the Brazilian Empire in 1839. These documents were studied from various perspectives, including Atlantic, social and political history. The research aims to analyse Press debates regarding the continuity of the slave trade and the British interventions to stop it. Patterns of action and reaction, significant events, and prominent personalities were identified. Themes such as sovereignty and national dignity were constantly at the forefront. By examining the newspapers from 1839 available in the digital collection, it was possible to understand the extent to which the Brazilian Press was responsive to internal and external events and how international relations were reflected in the writings of the periodical editors. This analysis indicates that there was a constant concern with the events of the Old Continent and how Brazil would deal with the labour problem for agriculture, given the high demand in agriculture, the high mortality rate of captives, and the difficulty in attracting salaried European settlers to replace the enslaved workers
Respondendo às ameaças: a crise da anexação da Bósnia e Herzegovina (1908-1909) entre a Áustria-Hungria e a Rússia na Península Balcânica
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-11-06) Melo, Tiago Valêncio de; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Caterina, Gianfranco
The present work has as his object the Austro-Russian relations in the Balkan Peninsula and its impact on the resolution of the Bosnian and Herzegovina Annexation Crisis, between 1908 and 1908. The research aims to analyze the line of action adopted by St. Petersburg and Vienna’s foreign policy from a historical perspective. In this way, a narrative was built through the linking of episodes considered as key moment to understand the relationship between these actors and how those past experiences influenced their decision-making during the crisis. Therefore, the hypothesis of this work assumes that the strategy adopted by the Russian Empire - considering the act of annexation as a rupture with the status quo in the region, even though it had been in the past conniving in relation to the possibility of the act - is the result of an accumulated experiences that inserted, in St. Petersburg’s decision-making process a constant concern with the isolation in the Near East and the probability of Russia facing a coalition of powers in the peninsula.
O crime compensa? Uma análise sobre a prática de infrações eleitorais e o (in)sucesso eleitoral nas eleições em Goiás
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-09-20) Moraes Júnior, Márcio Antônio de Sousa; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9425542829673914; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Barbosa, Leon Victor de Queiroz
This research discusses and analyzes the potential objective relationship between the commission of electoral infractions and success at the polls. In other words, it examines whether those who commit more electoral offenses have a higher chance of being elected. The study is both novel and relevant, especially considering the number of candidates and the various offenses and sanctions applied by the Electoral Justice. It also seeks to verify whether the popular saying "crime pays" applies to elections in Goiás. The chosen period, from 2016 to 2022, encompasses times of significant changes in the political-electoral and health contexts in Brazil. The methodology involved analyzing the convictions imposed by the Regional Electoral Court of Goiás and the election results, which are necessary elements to investigate the proportion of elected candidates who were convicted versus those who did not face any penalties throughout the electoral process

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