Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia

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A crítica de Hannah Arendt aos direitos humanos: uma reconstrução sobre o amor mundi
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-07-15) Campos, João Pedro Andrade de; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Oliveira, José Luiz de
Understood as the result of a historical process or political assertions and claims, the fact is that Human Rights have been a major theme since the enactment of the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776 and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789 fruits, respectively, of the American and French Revolutions, these two revolutions being also the backbone of the search and the realization of Rights that stretches and is based on a Constitutional spirit. However, while we may and should look to these and other similar documents, in order to seek enlightenment for real issues of our time, we recurrently face issues that overlap with theory and challenge our political practice. By this way, in this dissertation, we have as motto to discuss, from the figures of the stateless people and the refugees, what is the place of these people in the middle of an evident inefficacy of legal protection of which they suffer given their condition of loss of national bond, which mobilizes in the political thinking of Hannah Arendt a parallel reflection to what she means by Responsibility and Love to the World. We will therefore think, on the one hand, of the insufficiency of the alleged universalization of rights based on Arendt's critiques of this model and, on the other hand, revisit in the author's thinking elements that contribute to this debate under a bias that favors constitution of the public sphere. To do so, we will first resort to the sense of Political Freedom that has permeated both the events of the American Revolution and those of the French Revolution, seeking to understand how this concept influences, from the constitution of a Political Body to the very articulation of a fecund public space by free agents. In this sense, we will also seek to highlight, based on these reflections, that in Arendt's political thought there is a link between civic and political participation in public space with the wide effectiveness of Rights, which can refer to a peculiar conception of Republicanism, for emphasizing the community commitment rooted in the fulfillment of rights and duties.
Liberdade e reconhecimento na democracia contemporânea: acerca do pensamento de Hannah Arendt e Charles Taylor
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-12-20) Campos, João Pedro Andrade de; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli; Moscateli, Renato; Oliveira, José Luiz de; Adverse, Helton Machado; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Pereira, Rafael Rodrigues
The central objective of this study was to reflect on the concepts of freedom and recognition in contemporary democracy. In order to achieve this first aim, a path of interpretation was included that considers fundamental, for contemporary reflections on democracy, to discuss how citizens can freely enjoy their freedoms in a community as beings, at the same time, possessors of singular and plural identities. With the intention of investing in this approach, the work of Hannah Arendt and Charles Taylor were listed as basic theoretical points. On Arendt's side, it was shown that full political freedom is essential so that a political community can be a place in which citizens actions and speeches demonstrate their dignity as human beings. Meanwhile, the recognition of citizens identities is only possible when there is an understanding in society that the other is part of a continuous dialogue with myself, through which my identity as an individual and also as a citizen is formed - this was the point of departure in relation to the reflection supported by Taylor. These first forays were followed by an examination whose intention was to show that when minorities are excluded from political participation, society suffers losses that can lead to its decline. As it is not possible to reflect on the particularities of all existing minority groups, refugees were generally chosen as a category that exemplifies, on the one hand, how freedom and recognition matter for the contemporary discussion about democracy and, on the other hand, how this group reveals, through its private and collective demands, a conceptual embarrassment in the classic debate between liberals, communitarians and republicans. The research concludes with the observation that in current discussions about democracy there is a strong, sometimes distorted, pronouncement of the ideals of freedom and recognition, the harmful nature of which can compromise the relationship between citizens and each other, triggering a move away from political issues concerning community, as well as the worsening of existing inequalities in a democracy, ultimately contributing to the crystallization of groups harmful to the political body.
As relações entre soberania e governo em Jean-Jacques Rousseau
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-09-09) Correia, André Rezende Soares; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Kawauche, Thomaz Massadi; Vento, Marisa Alves
This work deals with the relations between sovereignty and government as from the political thought of the philosopher Jean Jacques-Rousseau. The theme emerges from the concern demonstrated by the author in ensuring that the expression of the general will be the source of the laws to be applied by rulers in their role of ministers subordinated to such will. Thus, by taking as a reference the principles of political right elaborated by Rousseau, essentially in the Social Contract, without forgetting his other writings, his ideas are analyzed concerning the social contract as the association's act that establishes a legitimate and secure civil order, for the purpose of guarantee freedom and equality for citizens as members of the State. With this basis, the relations between sovereignty and government are focused in order to understand how they can be useful, stable, balanced and institutional, respecting the respective competences of these entities. Thus, the work develops in three chapters. The first encompasses the theory of the social contract: the institution of the civil order, the legitimacy of the general will and of popular sovereignty, which ensure the freedom and plurality of interests. Thereafter, the second chapter reflects more directly on the government, its function in the republic and its different forms, with the intention of discussing how he must act for the benefit of political community, and also what are the problems inherent in their relations with the sovereign. Finally, the third chapter contemplates some of the republican mechanisms indicated by Rousseau to promote state's conservation, mainly taking into account the dangerous tendency of the government to try and overlap popular sovereignty, confusing its public power, given to it to enforce laws, with the sovereign acts of the general will.
Limites entre indivíduo e governo na teoria política de Locke
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-04-20) Dores, João Alberto Araújo das; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Almeida, Maria Cecília Pedreira de; Reis, Helena Esser dos
What is the “individual”? On the other hand, what is its natural role in its life in a political context? How does the individual relate to the property that appeals to him or her as the basis of its existence? These are questions that have been asked by philosophy since its inception and have been framed throughout its history. Several philosophers have addressed this question in various interesting ways. Locke was no exception. Like others, he was seized by the complexity of the issue and approached it through the analysis of what causes the emergence of civil society, the origin of its power and its ideal extension. The purpose of this research is to understand and clarify John Locke's efforts and, with him, to describe what the individual is. Also, define its role in relation to itself and others, before and after the establishment of its civil society pact. In this respect, the government's role has also been defined. How should its powers be exercised? If the political pact should be beneficial to everyone, should it ignore the possibility of abuse? The response can hardly be anything but negative. But how to avoid them? Does the legislature have to regulate everything? If such an option is unreasonable and thus dangerous, what constraints should individuals pay special attention to when delimiting civil government? Such questions are imperative and if not genuinely understood, may cause the individual to see his autonomy subdued and used potentially against himself, establishing an unlimited and absolute authority. In light of this, Locke began an investigation, offering a few answers. Therefore, if we can speak of an actual state of nature and a subsequent transition to a political state in which many individuals choose to participate, what can we effectively infer from this? For Locke, this does not imply that the former is necessarily better than the latter, nor does it imply that the latter, because of its benefits, is intrinsically better than the former, paving a way that could be considered more “righteous”. The key is to understand these conditions and extract from them the different forms of human existence.
A problemática da formação da identidade moderna e multicultural em Sandel e Taylor
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-08-07) Melo, Marcelo Rodrigues de; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Costa, Daniel de Vasconcelos; Camati, Odair
The central theme of this dissertation is the identity formation and the modern problematic that surrounds it. Two elements are central to this problem: the first is the thesis of identity formation independently of cultural content; the second is the political stance appropriate to the multicultural issue. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to investigate whether Taylor's and Sandel's criticisms of the liberal proposals of neutrality toward substantive conceptions of good are pertinent if their proposals to deal with the challenges of a plural society are feasible without falling into the challenges of a perfectionist state and, lastly, whether its proposals collaborate with each other. Methodologically, this dissertation is divided into two chapters, the first to deal with identity in the individual sense and the second to deal with identity in a collective sense. The first chapter is divided into two parts. The first relates to the formation of identity and the relationship between identity and morality. The second part deals with the relations of individual identity and modernity, their challenges and their evolution. The second chapter is divided into three parts: the first defines the problematic of multiculturalism; the second presents the proposals and challenges of Rawls and Kymlicka's neutral/voluntarist vision and the narrative vision of Sandel and Taylor; the third articulates and combines the different proposals to deal with multiculturalism.
O papel das assembleias para o funcionamento do estado republicano segundo Jean-Jacques Rousseau
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-04-16) Nunes, Elga Lustosa de Moura; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Reis , Cláudio Araújo; Reis, Helena Esser dos
To the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the assemblies are an important institute available to the people and perform the fundamental attribution of giving movement to the State, that is, making it work. Considering that, firstly and briefly, we'll focus on the civil society's formation and on the principles that establish the republican State by the philosopher's vision. Afterwards, we'll evaluate the assembly's own acts, since the appropriate structuring of the meetings to how they fulfill the designated role of maintenance of republican order. We'll look for arguments related to this act on the philosopher's main political works, especially in The Social Contract, a document that presents the direct relationship between the State's organization and the assemblies, so that we can define its main characteristics and models presented by the Genevan. All this framework regarding the assemblies will contribute to the functioning of the republican State, as it'll be demonstrated. Rousseau proposes a new wave to political thinking in the eighteenth century, allocating to the people the central role of State's businesses. In this manner, we'll defend that the assemblies are needed instruments both to contribute to the institution of this new model, consolidated on the public's participation, and to give legal safety to decisions taken by the people, as they represent one valid instrument of the restriction of rulers' actions, through the accountability and the regularity of the assemblies. This piece of the political gear will serve as a stabilizing element and as a consolidation of the republican order. Following Rousseau's guidelines on the matter, we'll work on the citizen's character while performing this activity, since it'll be their responsibility to conduct the assembly for the destined purposes, having to exercise their participation in various moments: opining, deliberating, deciding and voting. We'll also discuss that this instrument, if badly used, can serve as reinforcement to political corruption.
Dissensões dos humores e liberdade republicana: discussões sobre as condições de convergência e divergência segundo o pensamento político de Maquiavel
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017-02-09) Pereira, João Aparecido Gonçalves; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Ames, José Luiz
La vita politica e gli elementi che la costituiscono sono sempre stati e restano ancora oggi oggetti di studio della filosofia politica. Le discussioni su come gli uomini devono strutturarsi politicamente, nel miglior modo possibile, hanno permeato tutti i periodi della storia della filosofia, in particolar modo nei pensieri politici di vari autori, e casi non rari sotto molti punti di vista contrastanti. In questo lavoro, si propone di discutere i testi di Machiavelli riguardanti gli elementi strutturanti della vita politica, sottolineando il tipo di rapporto che può esistere tra dissensi di umori e libertà repubblicana. Basandosi su questa analisi, si discute l'originalità dell'autore sul tema e anche le condizioni che, secondo lui, fanno con cui i conflitti siano convergenti con la libertà, così come quelli che li rendono dannosi alla vita libera.
A comunidade moralizada em Rousseau e Platão: fundação, conservação e degeneração
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016-12-09) Remigio, Adriane Campos de Assis; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Reis, Cláudio Araújo dos
La recherche que nous avons réalisée explore les répercussions philosophiques de Platon que nous supposons pouvoir trouver dans la pensée politique de Rousseau. Donc, nous cherchons à investiguer ce que nous comprenons comme des moyens pour établir et maintenir une république dans la vision de Rousseau, et après cela, comprendre pour quelles raisons elle a sa fin. Partant de l‘hypothèse selon laquelle il s‘agit d‘une communauté moralisée, nous cherchons vérifier si quelques-unes des caractéristiques qui la composent avaient déjà été conçues dans la philosophie platonicienne. Nous commençons par montrer comment, dans les deux auteurs, il y a une réflexion sur un espace antérieur à la société, et que après sa création, certains principes semblent s‘approcher par rapport à son ordre: la simplicité dans la vie, le renforcement de l‘unité et l‘harmonie de la communauté, l‘importance des lois et de l‘éducation en tant que stratégie politique, l‘importance des événements festives, les critiques au luxe, aux différences politiques, l‘aversion aux factions. Après avoir analysé tous ces aspects, nous pensons que quelques-uns d‘entre eux méritent une observation plus attentive, une fois que, faute d‘être problématisés, ses conséquences pourraient conduire à des restrictions possibles à la liberté des membres de ces communautés. Par conséquent, au bout de notre exposé sur la formation, la préservation et la fin du corps politique, nous interrogeons l'espace de la liberté individuelle dans les communautés idéalisées par Platon et Rousseau.
Autoridade, coerção e liberdade: a formação moral do homem em Rousseau
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-07-26) Santos, Anderson Carvalho dos; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Vento, Marisa Alves; Paiva, Wilson Alves de; Corôa, Pedro Paulo da Costa; Reis, Helena Esser dos
L'étude de l'homme a été un thème central dans les réflexions de Rousseau. Dans ses œuvres, il s'est préoccupé de comprendre comment s'est formée l'humanité tant sur le plan individuel que collectif. Dans sa quête de compréhension de ce processus de formation, le philosophe genevois a emprunté un chemin qui a englobé des discussions sur l'éducation, la politique, la morale et bien plus encore. Au cours de ces explorations, certains concepts sont devenus récurrents et se sont révélés essentiels dans sa structure théorique. Le principal d'entre eux était le concept de liberté, pour lequel il a été à la fois loué et critiqué. Cette thèse revisite ce concept en le reliant aux idées d'autorité et de coercition afin de réfléchir au processus de formation de l'homme visant à atteindre la liberté morale, c'est-à-dire l'autonomie. En suivant un fil conducteur qui traverse les différentes conceptions de la liberté, depuis le Discours sur les sciences et les arts et le Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes, en passant par le Contrat social et d'autres œuvres jusqu'à Emile ou De l'éducation, nous cherchons à démontrer que l'idée d'autorité apparaît comme indispensable dans les réflexions du Genevois sur la formation de l'homme. En intégrant, dans ses écrits, des figures d'autorité telles que le Législateur, le Précepteur et le couple Wolmar, capables de façonner les individus, notre auteur a montré que "tous ont également besoin de guides", mais pas n'importe quel type de guide, tous ont besoin de bons guides, de bonnes autorités qui sont capables, même par des actes coercitifs, de conduire l'être humain vers l'autonomie.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau e as necessidades humanas
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-05-21) Sant’Anna, Angélica Carvalho; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Damião, Carla Milani; Freitas, Jacira de; Moscateli, Renato
L’objectif de cette recherche était étudier les dédoublements de l’anthropologie philosophique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau à partir d’une lecture qui pense les besoins humains. Dans la suppression totale des caractéristiques acquises socialement concrétisée par un recul des origines, le philosophe conclut l’universalité des besoins physiques et naturels attelées à l’amour de soi, qui oblige chacun à s’occuper de lui-même, de son propre bien-être. La transition entre cette forme originale d’isolement et la rencontre avec l’autre se produit à travers la persistance de difficultés, instructrices de l’action des qualités distinctives de l’être humain, la perfectibilité et la liberté. Ces difficultés induisent inévitablement à une activité circonstancielle de l’imagination et, quand ils deviennent mutuels, à la conscience réfléchie. S’imaginer le premier de l’espèce et s’imaginer dans la place d’autrui donne une marge à l’orgueil et à la pitié, marquant le moment initial d’élargissement de la première passion, l’amour de soi. De cette expansion de soi, le philosophe pointe le lien entre besoin et passion fourni par la faculté de l’imagination, fondant les besoins de l’esprit. Alors, des nouvelles idées émergent nouvelles passions et nouveaux besoins. Dans l’étroitesse des relations d’un état social, le désir de bien-être, principe naturel qui anime l’action humaine, semble d’autant plus élargi que plus insatiable. Passions factices et besoins artificiels sont naturalisées, formant un enchevêtrement de conditions que l’on ne peut satisfaire lorsque affaiblit le corps. Mais le réel problème qui accompagne ce dernier type de besoin est celui de la dépendance de l’opinion. Enfin, la suppression du caractère de « besoin » qui implique l’artifice est un grand allié de Rousseau pour rompre les liens de dépendance, et s’applique au domaine éducatif, politique et personnel.
Dos princípios do direito político às comunidades políticas concretas: uma análise a partir da obra de Rousseau
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-11-09) Silva, Eduarda Santos; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Monteagudo, Ricardo
In the Social Contract, Jean-Jacques Rousseau exposes his political theory on the possibilities of establishing a legitimate social order, as well as the means necessary for its conservation. In this sense, based on the principles of political right prescribed in this work, which confront the reality of concrete political bodies, our objective was precisely to use them to analyze the legitimacy of the cases of real societies examined by Rousseau throughout his work. Our investigation, therefore, had as its initial focus the analysis of the cases of Rome, Corsica and Poland. Subsequently, we deal in detail with the case of the Republic of Geneva from the study of Letters written from the mountain, which made it possible to understand the influence of Geneva on Rousseau's political thought, as well as the context of political turmoil in that republic and the controversies arising from the publication of the Emilio and of the Social Contract, a scenario that contributed to the emergence of the Letters. Furthermore, when analyzing in detail the case of Geneva present in this writing, it was possible to understand how the figures of the sovereign and the government in that republic were related, and also the process by which the first was weakened by the abuses of the second, which contradicts the legitimacy prescribed in the Contract. In this way, the constant abuses of the government in relation to the sovereign allowed us to realize that in Geneva sovereignty and the general will were not properly respected. We consider, therefore, that the Contract and other texts by Rousseau that deal with concrete political communities offered us the necessary subsidies to think about the relationship between theory and practice in the author's thinking. In this way, we do not distance ourselves from Rousseau's objectives in the Contract concerning the correct understanding of its principles, taking them only as a reference scale to assess the situation of concrete societies, and not as a project that will necessarily be followed in all circumstances. With this, we highlight the problems involved in the transition from the theoretical to the practical level, which was demonstrated by the Genevan not only in the examination of historical cases present in his texts, but also in the Contract itself, when he alerts us to the importance of first considering the specificities of each society so that only then can we think about the measures to be taken with a view to its proper functioning.
Liberdade individual na teoria política de Rousseau
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-09-24) Silva, Marcelo Henrique Lisbôa da; Moscateli, Renato; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8852962822237051; Moscateli, Renato; Corôa, Pedro Paulo da Costa; Reis, Helena Esser dos
Les œuvres politiques de Rousseau nous font penser que la liberté occupe une place prépondérante parmi les thèmes qu'il aborde. Le penseur de Genève la défend avec tant de force lorsqu'il affirme que « renoncer à la liberté, c'est renoncer à la qualité de l'homme et aux droits de l'humanité », montrant qu'il est incompatible avec la nature humaine de le faire. Les références à la liberté comme fondement d'un État bien ordonné ne sont pas rares, car seule la volonté générale peut diriger les forces de l'État et légitimer les lois. Bien qu'il nous présente soutout une réflexion orientée vers la construction d'une république et, par conséquent, un souci de garantir la liberté politique, il est possible d'affirmer que dans cette société civile il y aurait aussi un espace pour la liberté individuelle. Cependant, quelques interprètes libéraux voient sa théorie politique comme un véritable despotisme et l'accusent d'être l'ennemi de la liberté. L'objet de la présent dissertation se concentre donc fondamentalement sur la compréhension du concept de liberté dans la pensée de Jean-Jacques Rousseau, afin de savoir si les critiques que Benjamin Constant et Isaiah Berlin adressent de la pensée politique du philosophe se maintiennent. Pour cela, il est nécessaire d'analyser les divers sens dans lesquels le terme liberté est employé par le philosophe, surtout dans Du Contrat Social, ainsi que la pensée des libéraux sur le concept de liberté et leurs arguments contre Rousseau.

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