Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais (FCS)

URI Permanente para esta coleçãohttp://200.137.215.59/tede/handle/tde/227

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Ambivalência e voto no Brasil.
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-04-25) Marques Neto, Graciano Garcia; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Modesto, João Gabriel Nunes; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8750845075473465; Hecksher, Carolina Botelho Marinho da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4174409739655475
Ambivalence can be understood as the presence of conflicting or inconsistent evaluations about the beliefs that an individual holds about an object or person. It can also be seen as a problem of reconciling multiple values, beliefs and principles simultaneously present in political culture. This work makes a synthesis of the concept from the contemporary literature on the subject. From this, the main scientific and social findings of this phenomenon are also pointed out, with emphasis on public policies, citizen decision-making and effects for contemporary democracy related to the media environment. The objectives of this work are to identify who are ambivalent citizens in relation to presidential candidates and if, in fact, ambivalence interferes in electoral decision-making. As independent variables for the occurrence of ambivalence, he investigated the performance of media consumption and political identity, as well as sociodemographic variables. As a theoretical objective, it is intended to promote a bridge between Social Psychology and Political Science. The methodology is quantitative, and the construct was measured using Griffin's formula. Data were taken from the Brazilian Electoral Study. From the use of linear regression, the following profile of the ambivalent in the country was reached: younger, less educated, beneficiaries of government programs, therefore, poorer, and consume more news about politics by traditional vehicles than by new media . On the effect of ambivalence on voting; it reduced the chances of voting for Bolsonaro and reduced the effect of variables linked to political identity on the vote.
As escolas do futuro do Estado de Goiás: uma nova proposta educacional?
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2026-03-05) Oliveira Junior, Fábio Antonio de; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; https://lattes.cnpq.br/4716682919068870; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; https://lattes.cnpq.br/4716682919068870; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Silva, Jeanisson Cesar Mariano; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0561462822421030
Vocational and Technological Education (VTE) in Brazil is a field of historical disputes between comprehensive education and qualification for the job market. In Goiás, the emergence of the Goiás State Schools of the Future (EFGs), resulting from an atypical inter-institutional agreement that allows flexible work contracts, raises questions about their conceptions. This dissertation investigates whether the political, administrative, and pedagogical conceptions of the EFGs inaugurate a new model of VTE or adapt those already consolidated in the Federal Network of Professional, Scientific, and Technological Education. The central hypothesis is that the EFGs diverge from the Federal Network. While the Federal Network consolidates a state project focused on full citizenship, under the aegis of comprehensive human development, and institutional stability, the EFGs emerge as a crisis management device, prioritizing agility, technological aesthetics, and immediate employability. This does not necessarily represent a negation of the federal model, but rather a functional specialization that carries advantages (agility, youth attraction, focus on employment) and disadvantages (precarious teacher training, fragmented education) inherent to its own flexible nature. The study aims to analyze these conceptions, identifying ruptures and continuities from the perspective of public policies, power relations, and state reforms. The methodology is qualitative, exploratory, and analytical-comparative, based on the documentary analysis of PPPs, PDIs, agreements, and legislation of the Luiz Rassi, Basileu França, and José Luiz Bittencourt Elementary Schools. The theoretical framework integrates classic authors from critical pedagogy and political science, seeking to unveil the implications of this model for public education.
Raça, gênero e classe na política em Goiânia : mulheres negras nas eleições de 2024
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2026-04-07) Reis, Daiane Caroline Silva; Assis, Mariana Prandini Fraga; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6063839307299913; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Rodrigues, Cristiano dos Santos
This work aims to understand how gender, race, and class inequalities affected the candidacies of Black women for the position of city councilor in Goiânia in the 2024 elections. To examine the barriers to Black representation in local institutional politics, the research adopted an intersectional and exploratory approach, with a quantitative-qualitative character. Although studies in Brazilian Political Science that simultaneously mobilize gender, race, and class to analyze issues of political representation are still scarce, this research joins previous studies that are beginning to fill this gap, shifting the predominant focus on gender, elected women, and national processes to the study of candidacies and the local level. The research is based on data provided by the Superior Electoral Court, which, since 2014, has started collecting information on the self-declared race/color of legislative candidates. From this survey, it was possible to establish contact with the majority of black women (black and brown) candidates, who were invited to complete a structured questionnaire and, subsequently, to participate in in-depth interviews. Out of a total of 146 black candidacies in the 2024 elections for the Municipal Chamber of Goiânia, 44 women (approximately 30%) responded to the self-administered structured questionnaire, and 15 (around 10%), respecting party diversity, participated in in-depth interviews.The data were analyzed using the thematic analysis technique. Multiple social markers intersect the political trajectories of Black women, producing constraints and barriers that distance them from public life through the overlapping of structural inequalities. By highlighting the absence of institutional and party policies that provide effective support for Black women's candidacies, the study demonstrates that the political-electoral system and the internal structures of parties are among the main factors responsible for the exclusion of a portion of the population from positions of power. This scenario not only limits their access to political representation but also weakens democratic consolidation. Thus, based on the case of Goiânia, this dissertation seeks to contribute to a critical understanding of the persistent underrepresentation of Black women in Brazilian politics and the democratic deficit that it produces.
Há um feminismo evangélico? Visões sobre (des)igualdade de gênero entre mulheres pentecostais em Goiânia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2026-01-30) Araújo, Jade Cassius; Assis, Mariana Prandini Fraga; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6063839307299913; Assis, Mariana Prandini Fraga; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6063839307299913; Garcia, Lusmarina Campos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2277269771040033; Paula, Thaís Vieira de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1455594512520796
Embargada
O Estado dependente latino-americano em Agustín Cueva e Ruy Mauro Marini: distanciamentos e aproximações
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-10-30) Athayde, Rafael Teixeira Escórcio; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4716682919068870; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4716682919068870; Fidelis, Thays Karolline dos Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7930145942348252; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3346616463532660
Embargado
A Brasil para leigos: A disputa pelo senso comum da população brasileira pelas políticas do medo nas redes digitais
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-10-06) Souza, André Luiz Oliveira Marques de; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Paula, Thaís Vieira de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1455594512520796; Maia, Tatiana Vargas; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5588464043256547
This paper seeks to understand how the Brazilian populist radical right, represented by bolsonarismo, leverages the narratives contained in the productions of the company Brasil Paralelo to exploit fear in order to increase support for its political project. The use of fear as a tool for political gain is not new nor is it exclusive to the radical right. However, the populist radical right uses fear fundamentally in its political project, benefiting from the emotional arousal this feeling generates in the population and consistently listing enemies responsible for the ills facing the society in which it operates. The paper is divided into three chapters. In the first one, we conduct a bibliographic review of various works on the far right in order to synthesize a set of characteristics common to the New Right phenomenon, as well as an umbrella term that could be used to refer to this object. In the second chapter, we present the history of Brasil Paralelo, the discursive matrices contained in its productions and, with the help of Antonio Gramsci's theoretical framework, its classification as a private apparatus of hegemony, more specifically as an apparatus of doctrinal action in the cultural field. Finally, we examine the effect of fear on so-called human rationality, examples of the use of fear in politics throughout history and the particular relationship that the populist radical right establishes with this sentiment in the construction of its political project. In the conclusion, we revisit the work's findings to identify Bolsonarism as an expression of the populist radical right in Brazil, to indicate how Brasil Paralelo's productions disseminate and legitimize the ideology of the ruling class, thus renewing its hegemonic position, and how fear is intrinsically linked to this political project.
O arcabouço institucional dos contratos de gestão nas parcerias com Organizações Sociais de Saúde no Estado de Goiás: um estudo de caso da Associação Goiana de Integralização e Reabilitação Agir
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-06-27) Mesquita, Marcelo de; Filgueiras, Fernando de Barros; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4348768274838297; Filgueiras, Fernando de Barros; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4348768274838297; Oliveira, Johnny Jorge de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7341168955670549; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4716682919068870
This research aimed to analyze the institutional framework of partnerships between the State This research aimed to analyze the institutional framework of partnerships between the State of Goiás and social health organizations (OSS), established through management contracts, and their impacts on the efficiency, transparency, and accountability of public health policy. The study is based on the hypothesis that delegating the execution of public services to private entities, under the influence of New Public Management (NPM), has resulted in an informal privatization of the Unified Health System (SUS), marked by weak control mechanisms and deficient performance measurement. The main objective is to explain how and why these contracts changed the complementarity of health policy in Goiás, focusing on the actors involved and identifying the causal mechanisms underlying the adoption of the model and the institutional changes that have affected horizontal accountability. Methodologically, the research applies process tracing in a case study of Management Contract No. 123/2011, signed between the State Department of Health (SES) and the Goiana Association for Integration and Rehabilitation (AGIR), the managing organization of the State Rehabilitation Center (CRER).Data were collected through Freedom of Information requests (LAI) and document analysis from agencies such as the SES, the State Comptroller General's Office (CGE), the Court of Accounts (TCE), and the State Health Council (CES), integrating legal, economic, accounting, and institutional perspectives. The results show that management contracts do not detail direct or indirect costs, preventing an economic evaluation of efficiency. Performance goals are generic and disconnected from prior budgets or terms of reference, which contradicts the decision of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) in ADI No. 1.923/DF, which ruled that management contracts are legally equivalent to public agreements. The information asymmetry between the SES (principal) and the OSS (agents) generates risks of adverse selection and moral hazard, as explained by Agency Theory. At the same time, reporting mechanisms reduce rather than enhance transparency. The study also identified the capture of the model by interest groups, notably the Brazilian Institute of Social Health Organizations (IBROSS), which act to preserve the status quo, hindering oversight and the entry of new actors. Control bodies such as the TCE and CGE have reported irregularities, yet the partnership model remains neither questioned nor critically examined. The SES itself acknowledged the absence of technical studies demonstrating the model’s cost-effectiveness, reinforcing critiques regarding the lack of economic rationality. The study concludes that management contracts with OSS in Goiás operate within a fragile institutional arrangement, one that favors managerial autonomy at the expense of financial oversight and transparency. This dynamic distorts the principle of complementarity within the SUS, leading to a disguised form of privatization. The research recommends a review of the partnership model and contractual instruments, including the adoption of clear financial metrics aligned with STF guidelines on agreements, and the strengthening of mechanisms for social participation and external control
A crise de refugiados sírios de 2015 na mídia: uma análise comparativa entre as coberturas de BBC e Al Jazeera à luz do orientalismo
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-03-20) Nunes, Marcelo Silveira Mariano; Caixeta, Marina Bolfarine; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2521803239016390; Caixeta, Marina Bolfarine; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2521803239016390; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Nunomura, Eduardo Yoshio; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9568973483146638
This dissertation aims to compare BBC’s and Al Jazeera’s coverage of the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis in order to analyze how they reproduce Orientalism, which we understand as a form of representation of the East by the West, placing the former in an inferior position to the latter and using stereotypes with the goal to create a relation of domination. The research problem consists of the following question: how does the logic of inferiorization of the other as pointed out in Orientalism according to Said continue to be in force in the practice of media coverage of the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis? Using the content analysis method to examine the empirical material, that is, the articles from the media networks in question, this research concludes, not fully confirming the hypothesis, that the coverage of the BBC and Al Jazeera, seen separately, were not mostly orientalist, but, comparing one with the another, the first was more orientalist than the second, and the Qatari network also sought to be more anti-orientalist than the British.
Sistema de pagamentos em moeda local: uma estratégia do Mercosul perante a hegemonia do dólar?
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-06-26) Pithan, Bruna Dias; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3346616463532660; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; Cruz, Felipe Nogueira da; Paula, Thaís Vieira de
This research examines the Mercosur Local Currency Payment System (SML) as a strategy to reduce dependence on the US dollar in economic transactions among Mercosur member countries, assessing its potential to promote economic autonomy and financial stability within the bloc. Using a qualitative approach, the study relies on document analysis of Mercosur agreements, meeting minutes, trade data, and specialized literature on international political economy. The findings indicate that while the SML facilitates intra-bloc transactions and reduces exchange costs, its effectiveness is limited by economic asymmetries and political divergences among member states. It is concluded that the mechanism holds relevance as an alternative to dollar hegemony but requires stronger regulatory coordination and institutional commitment to achieve its objectives.
A militarização verde na Amazônia brasileira e o fortalecimento de milícias no Pará durante o governo Bolsonaro
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-05-23) Gomes, Luíza Oliveira; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Reis Netto, Roberto Magno; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5368010317556530; Oliveira, Dijaci David de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9145111011143886
This research seeks to analyze how the attempt of green militarization that occurred throughout Bolsonaro’s government (2019 to 2022) influenced the actions of militias in the Brazilian Amazon. To this end, through convergent factual construction, a triangulation of data was carried out from interviews conducted in this research, newspaper sources, documents, and secondary literature in order to factually observe the relationship between the militarization process in the Amazon and the actions of militias in the state of Pará. The study proposal was based on a reflexivist perspective of International Relations, aiming to overcome the traditional binomials of the discipline, such as global/local and public/private. In this sense, the theoretical approach of global assemblages of (in)security was mobilized, understanding the actions of militias in the interior of Pará through the spatial networks and precarious relationships they establish. In summary, it was identified that there was a plan of environmental destructuring composed of allegations of greed and international invasion that supposedly threatened the national interest; anti-environmental rhetoric and discourses of permissiveness towards crime; as well as attacks and initiatives to discredit and dismantle environmental preservation agencies. In this context, GLOs were used as the main "alternatives" in the fight against criminals and environmental crimes during the period, accompanied by the appointment of several military personnel without expertise in the area to high-ranking positions in environmental agencies. As a consequence, the criminal networks already present in the Amazon region found a favorable and propitious context for their action and expansion. Among these groups, there was a favoritism towards militias, also known in the region as armed security forces, which are groups that use both legal and illegal means as well as licit and illicit means to act in the provision of security services to environmental criminals. In particular, the actions of these groups are especially contradictory in the principle of their organization, since they are composed of employees of the public security apparatus, which gives them access to privileged information, the ability to hinder investigations and establish various relationships that benefit them in the search for profit. The results of the research revealed that the attempt at green militarization in the Amazon, promoted during Bolsonaro’s government, not only failed to contain illegal practices associated with deforestation and land grabbing, but also favored the consolidation and expansion of these groups in the region.
A influência da formação política do Renovabr no sucesso eleitoral de candidatos no Brasil
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-05) Santos, Marjorie Lynn Nogueira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Assis, Mariana Prandini Fraga; Lameirão, Camila Romero
This study examines the influence of the political training provided by RenovaBR on the electoral success of its candidates in Brazil. The main objective was to evaluate how this training impacts the candidates' ability to succeed in elections, identifying factors and components of the training that contribute to its electoral effectiveness. The methodology adopted included a literature review and a case study, combining quantitative analyses and binary logistic regression to explore the relationships between sociodemographic variables, participation in prior projects, and perceptions of RenovaBR's contribution. Additionally, a content analysis was conducted based on data from an internal RenovaBR survey applied to its students. The regression results indicated that, although RenovaBR graduates exhibit a high level of engagement in candidacies, variables such as gender, race, education level, and involvement in other projects had limited influence on electoral success. This suggests that other contextual or individual factors may be more determinant. On the other hand, the content analysis revealed that, from the students' perspective, RenovaBR's training had a significant contribution to their political trajectories. It is concluded that, although RenovaBR is effective in preparing candidates and encouraging their political participation, electoral success depends on a broader combination of factors, many of which go beyond the training received.
Path dependence e política fiscal no Brasil: do Plano Real ao impeachment da Presidenta Dilma
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-05-09) Crivelaro Neto, Deolindo; Filgueiras, Fernando de Barros; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4348768274838297; Filgueiras, Fernando de Barros; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4348768274838297; Lameirao, Camila Romero; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1401479784897625; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308
The research problem of this dissertation is to verify the application of path dependence to Brazilian fiscal policy, in the period identified between the implementation of the Real Plan and the impeachment of President Dilma, through the process tracing research method. Path dependence is a theory linked to historical institutionalism that defends the tendency for institutions and public policies to follow the parameters in which they were created, even if they are random, due to the increasing returns that such a decision brings to political agents. The changes, in turn, would occur at specific moments called critical junctures. Thus, the objective of this study, considering the Real Plan as a moment of critical juncture, is to relate the maintenance of fiscal policies in Brazil under the orthodox aspect due to the increasing returns offered in this sense. The process tracing research method, in turn, consists of identifying the causal mechanisms, within a delimited historical context, that make possible the result object of study. Finally, the conclusion of the dissertation was that the great influence of the financial market and defenders of neoliberalism (and its related concepts) in the formulation of Brazilian fiscal policies create increasing returns for their conduct based on orthodox theory, as well as that any change implies a high cost of change through the same causal mechanisms mentioned above.
O desenvolvimento da doutrina brasileira de Cooperação CivilMilitar: da MINUSTAH à Segurança Pública
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-08-26) Coelho, Dalila Luiza; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Marques, Adriana Aparecida; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann
This study analyzes the development and characteristics of the Brazilian doctrine of CivilMilitary Coordination (CIMIC) and its relationship with the Brazilian military's role in domestic politics. It relies on an academic literature that discusses how participation in Peace Operations can negatively affect the relationship between the Armed Forces and civilians in troop-contributing countries through the development of techniques and discourses that enable military expansion into civilian life. Drawing on this literature, we ask how this occurs. To answer this question, we analyze the Brazilian CIMIC doctrine and the expansion of the Armed Forces into the field of Public Security. The study relies on academic literature discussing the lessons learned from MINUSTAH within the scope of GLO and Pacification operations, as well as on studies about the subsequent implementation of practices experienced abroad in Brazil as a reference. To analyze the trajectory of the CIMIC concept, we analyzed primary sources, particularly the Final Employment Reports of the Contingents, as well as semi-structured interviews with two military personnel who participated in MINUSTAH. The results lead to the conclusion that the way the concept was constructed in the doctrine, the elements that compose it, and the interest in using it in domestic operations indicate that CIMIC can aid the military in the process of expanding into national politics. This work contributes both to the literature addressing the impacts of peace missions and to the discussions on civil-military relations.
A omissão do Estado e a construção de políticas públicas voltadas às comunidades quilombolas Kalunga: um estudo sobre as desigualdades raciais e sociais
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-03-18) Silva, Jeronilson Quirino da; Lameirão, Camila Romero; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1401479784897625; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Santana, Fabiana Ribeiro; Cunha, Débora Ferreira Da
The dissertation aims to investigate and better understand the reality of the Kalunga quilombola communities, as well as the role of the State and the development of public policies targeted at these communities. In this regard, I seek to identify the possible reasons behind the high levels of social vulnerability recurrent in this territory, addressing both the availability and the evident absence of public policies for the community as a whole, considering the persistent social vulnerability indices in the region. Two central questions guide this investigation: the first is to highlight why social inequality exists. The second, which is directly connected to the first, concerns why public policies fail to reach these localities. The research aims to examine and understand the processes involved in decision-making and agenda-setting for the formulation and implementation of public policies. This is based on three key elements: a) The formulation of public policies, such as those related to health, education, transportation, and sanitation, specifically aimed at these communities; b) The observation of the implementation processes of other public policies for the Kalunga communities (if they exist); c) The analysis of decision-making processes by municipal and state public administrators regarding the implementation of public policies in traditional communities, in response to the demands raised by the communities themselves. Thus, this is a qualitative research study supported by a case study approach, based on documents and legislation related to the studied topic.
O Mercosul em xeque: a estratégia diplomática brasileira diante da crise do projeto de integração (1999-2002)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-02-21) Ferreira, José Paulo Silva; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Barbosa, Wilton Dias; Caixeta, Marina Bolfarine
Mercosur, an economic bloc created in 1991 as a free trade area, became an imperfect customs union in 1994, never achieving the goal of a common market. The bloc originated as a product of the international context, in response to the demands of external economic policy generated by the advances of globalization and the second wave of regionalism. It also reflected the regional context, as it was based on bilateral integration between Brazil and Argentina and the legal framework of ALADI. It began as a subregional project involving the "Platinum" countries – Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay – with the intention of extending throughout South America through integration with the Andean Pact. After a period of growth between 1991 and 1998, from 1999 onward, it began to face stagnation in trade flow. In this sense, the research problem proposed is: What was the diplomatic strategy of the Cardoso government in addressing the difficulties in consolidating Mercosur’s integration objectives between 1999 and 2002? The hypothesis is that the Cardoso government sought to continue the integration process, adapting the diplomatic strategy to the conditions and limits imposed, allowing for Argentine protectionism. This is a work of Brazilian foreign policy history, employing the historical method and triangulation of sources. The analysis included specialized literature, classified documents from the Central Archive of Itamaraty – telegraphic communication between the Brazilian Embassy in Buenos Aires and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, information to the President of the Republic, letters, and briefings from bilateral meetings within thematic files, at confidential and secret levels. Additionally, semi-structured interviews were conducted with Brazilian diplomats involved in the integration process in the 1990s and 2000s, along with the analysis of news articles from Jornal do Brasil, collected from the Digital Newspaper Archive of the National Library. The results showed that the Cardoso government sought to advance the integration process, adapting its diplomatic strategy to the conditions imposed by the Argentine economic crisis, understanding that insistence on tariff exception agendas and trade liberalization could further weaken Mercosur. Therefore, it invested in: (1) constant political dialogue with all of South America, (2) physical integration projects, (3) cooperation and harmonization of sectoral policies, and (4) deepening economiccommercial integration and investment
Brexit: Repercussões No Fluxo Migratório Da União Europeia No Reino Unido
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-26) Jesus, Letícia Oliveira Calixto de; Lucena, Andrea Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Szucko, Angélica Saraiva; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da
This research analyzes the consequences of Brexit on migration from the European Union to the United Kingdom, addresses the main international migration theories, and examines the social changes, policies and migration practices in the United Kingdom after Brexit. The objective of the dissertation is to evaluate the social impacts of Brexit on the migratory flow of the European population in the United Kingdom, before and after it is implemented. To promote the research, a hemerographic survey was initially carried out that analyzed editions of The Guardian newspaper between the period 2016 and 2019, providing relevant insights into how Brexit was perceived and reported in different periods, pointing out that the problematization of migration was a key and driving question for the realization of this phenomenon. In relation to the impact assessment itself, two databases that have official data were used, the Migration Observatory and the Office for National Statistics, with a restriction on the data range between the years 2016 and 2022, which allows us to discuss the changes for European migrants before and after Brexit. To carry out the impact assessment, the following indicators were defined to measure the impact: immigration, emigration, net migration, employment, labor sectors and university enrollments in the United Kingdom. As a result, the comparison of data before and after Brexit demonstrates that the phenomenon directly affected the migration patterns, employment, studies and emigration decisions of European Union citizens, causing a reduction in general migration and favoring the migration of certain groups. to the detriment of others.
O complexo de Israel como um assemblage global de (in)segurança: uma análise da política de (in)securitização da violência no Rio de Janeiro e da ascensão do narcopentecostalismo
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-04-11) Oliveira, Anna Clara Barros; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Rodrigues, Thiago Moreira de Souza; Oliveira, Dijaci David de
The present study examines the emergence of (in)securitization in Rio de Janeiro in 2008. This policy was characterized by establishing the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs), which facilitated the construction of a global assemblage model of (in)security. This model comprised an intricate network involving drug traffickers from the Terceiro Comando Puro, militiamen, (neo)Pentecostal Churches, and State agents. The study's analysis focuses on a specific territory known as Complexo de Israel, which is predominantly influenced by (neo)Pentecostal drug traffickers. These traffickers use a combination of (in)securitization and sacro-securitization. In this situation, evil or the devil becomes a threat that requires the creation of combat strategies. Such an assemblage can be most aptly characterized as an inextricable tangle of public-private, licit-illicit, and sacred-profane ties that mobilize global relationships with local contingencies. Saskia Sassen (2008) refers to these dynamics as "global assemblages," sets that challenge traditional notions of territoriality. When examining the case analyzed here, it becomes evident that the arrangements formed between the actors involved in the "pacification" of Rio cannot be defined exclusively as local or global, public or private, sacred or profane, or legal or illegal. Instead, they are characterized by elements of each category, thereby illustrating the construction of new territories through processes of tension and glocalization. In summary, the actions of these actors demonstrate the hybridity of their spatial and cultural positioning in Rio, thus defying clear categorizations. To elucidate this phenomenon, the present research adopted a qualitative approach, utilizing the Grounded Theory (GT) method. This approach was supported by a comprehensive investigation of various data sources, including newspaper articles, social media posts, primary and secondary literature, and semi-structured interviews. The analysis enabled the demonstration of how the field of security began to utilize different "worlds", uniting different actors, thereby creating a new territory and establishing a new logic of relations in criminal governance, i.e., a global assemblage of (in)security.
Entre política, mídia e saúde: a mediação da politização da pandemia de covid-19 pelo jornal nacional e o jornal da record
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-07) Oliveira, Isabella Amaral de; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Sousa, Diógenes Lycarião Barreto de; Vasconcellos, Fábio Souza
A public health crisis of Covid-19 has highlighted not only the relevance of public authorities in coordinating public health but also the influence of their stances and discourses that guide information consumption and consequently population attitudes and behavior. While studies have analyzed the influence of ideologies on information consumption during the pandemic, there is still a need to explore the impacts of the politicization of the pandemic, directly and indirectly mediated by exposure to the two main Brazilian television news programs, Jornal Nacional and Jornal da Record, on the attitudes and behaviors of Brazilians related to the control and prevention of Covid19. We used the Ideological Health Spirals Model (IHSM) to underpin our investigation, which examines the influence of media on the development and maintenance of individual attitudes and behaviors. The analytical strategy was based on structural equation analysis and mediation. The results reaffirm that the politicization of the pandemic by former President Bolsonaro significantly influenced population attitudes and behaviors. They also indicate that a substantial part of this influence was mediated by exposure to the country's two main television news programs. These conclusions underscore the need to consider the intersection of health, politics, and media when facing health crises, highlighting the media's role in shaping collective attitudes during the pandemic.
A expansão das milícias no Pará: os vínculos transnacionais e a simbiose com o crime organizado
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-09) Lopes, Ian Nunes Dias; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Netto, Roberto Magno Reis; Miranda, Wando Dias
Militias in Brazil have unique characteristics and their own specific definition. They are a security problem that influences politics, culture, and the economy, directly affecting the outskirts of metropolises susceptible to conditions favorable to organized crime. Studying the roots of militia crime formation in Rio de Janeiro allows for a case study focused on analyzing the emergence of militias in cities like Belém, in the state of Pará. This analysis involves understanding the nuances of the militia phenomenon in Brazil, its comparison with Italian mafias, and its migration processes, with a focus on migration to new territories in three favorable scenarios: the growth of criminal factions in Pará, interactions with the illegal lottery (jogo do bicho), and expansion through police exchanges. The main objective of the dissertation is to examine the process of expansion of the militia model from Rio de Janeiro to Pará, delving into the factors that led to a rapid synergy between Pará's militias and criminal factions. The study aims to analyze how militia models across their various segments establish themselves in new locations. The methodology includes a literature review, document analysis, and interviews. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with sources directly connected to Pará's police force and individuals with direct or indirect experiences with militias. Contacts were obtained through a snowball sampling method, allowing for a range of plural sources. Data analysis criteria were applied in triangulation to the content gathered from the interviews. The findings reveal that the expansion of militias in Pará exemplifies one of the most entrenched militia phenomena in Brazil, stemming from a series of state decisions and omissions, contrastedby a concrete and effective encouragement of organized crime by its supporters.
Desempenho na educação básica a partir das Capacidades Estatais dos municípios goianos
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-09-05) Brescovit, Bruno Gabriel Franco; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9425542829673914; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Machado, Raphael Amorim
How can we universalize the assessment of State Capabilities of municipal bureaucracies that are endowed with relative autonomy to measure the performance of municipal basic education public policies? Based on this challenge, this paper investigates the theme of State Capabilities in a macro context of assessing municipal structures in Goiás. To this end, the literature on State Capabilities was systematized with the aim of defining the history and generations of formulation of the theory. A methodology was also developed to calculate a State Capabilities Index (ICE) for the 246 municipalities in Goiás based on information from public databases – especially the Munic surveys of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and surveys by the Court of Auditors of the Municipalities of the State of Goiás (TCM-GO), taking the year 2018 as a reference. The data were treated by Winsorization to exclude outliers and submitted to an expansion procedure. The results of the ICE and its indicators were correlated with the public IDEB scores of the municipalities of Goiás using Pearson, Kendall and Spearman correlation tests in order to establish correlations between the ICE and the results of the municipal public education policies measured by the IDEB. No relevant statistical correlation was found between the municipal State Capacities (ICE) and the IDEB results based on the established methodology. Finally, reasons that may justify this finding are discussed, such as the inability of the IDEB to translate the results of public education policies and the need to improve quantitative research that aims to measure municipal State Capacities. The research is exploratory in nature, presenting an initial model of analysis on educational issues based on a theme that is still little explored: municipal state capacities. The work contributes to the reflection on the methodology of quantitative research, especially regarding data treatment and evaluation of results through boxplot graphs, distribution/normality curve (Gauss), dispersion and cluster maps, all prepared in the R software accompanied by the respective scripts and databases for replication.

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