Mestrado em Ciência Política (FCS)
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Item Vozes divergentes? Uma análise de gênero das opiniões sobre assuntos públicos no Brasil(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-26) Pereira, Shirley de Jesus Oliveira; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Gonçalves, Eliane; Assis, Mariana Prandini FragaThis work aims to answer the following research question: Do men and women have the same opinions on public issues in Brazil? To do this, it was necessary to make a comparison between the female and male categories. The answers given by men and women on certain public issues in public opinion survey questionnaires that had already been carried out were analyzed. Two questionnaires were selected, Brazilian Electoral Study (ESEB/CESOP) 2022 and Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) 2018/2019. The work’s hypothesis is that women will have more progressive attitudes than men in relation to issues of compassion and more conservative attitudes in relation to moral issues. The public issues investigated were: social welfare policies, minority rights, equal roles between men and women, support for democracy and moral issues. The independent variables were: sociodemographic, government evaluation, ideology, party preference, employment status, gender identity and number of children under 13 years old living in the house. After logistic and linear regression analyses, it was found that Brazilian women tend to support the adoption of children by a gay couple and same-sex marriage more than men (support appears both in the ESEB data and in the LAPOP data) and the rights of homosexuals to run for public office, that public schools teach children to pray and believe in God. They opposed the decriminalization of drug use, the reduction of the age of criminal responsibility, privatization of public service, the fact that the rich pay a lot of taxes and receive little in state services and abortion even in cases where the mother's life is at risk. They are less likely to believe that democracy is preferable to other forms of government and are more dissatisfied with democracy in the country than men (similar results in both ESEB and LAPOP data).Item #Elenão e ni una menos: a "quarta onda" feminista e o ativismo nas redes sociais(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-12-20) Peçanha, Virgínia Generoso; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Gonçalves, Eliane; Martins, Aline Regina AlvesThis work aims to analyze the movements #EleNão (#NotHim), in Brazil, and Ni Una Menos (Not one [Woman] less), in Argentina, and if it is possible to understand them as an expression of a supposed "fourth wave" of feminist movements. The choice of such movements was due both to the protagonism of women and to the magnitude of their multitudinous marches, started on the Internet and which took mainly women to the streets not only in their countries of origin, but also in different parts of the world. To the purpose, a review of the literature on the "fourth wave", a term that is still in dispute. In addition to the literature review, that still incipient, interviews were conducted with activists from both countries, approved by the Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa (CEP) of Universidade Federal de Goiás.Item O lado oculto da política externa: o papel do Itamaraty como um agente de repressão durante a ditadura militar brasileira (1964 - 1985)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-04-17) Provazzi, Vinícius Sawczenko Morais; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Castilho, Alessandra Beber; Patti, CarloThe objective of this dissertation is to analyze the means by which Brazilian foreign policy, during the years of military dictatorship (1964-1985), was used for political repression purposes. As a study of the history of Brazilian foreign policy, this research belongs to the line of research of International Politics, within the area of International Relations. The work consists of a literature review and research in primary sources, in the form of secret documents from the archives of CIEX, the Itamaraty's espionage agency. First, a review of the traditional foreign policy literature centered on the work of Amado Cervo is made, which generally downplays the role of Itamaraty as an agent of repression and emphasizes foreign policy as a driver of the country's economic development. Then, there is a review of critical literature that addresses the various ways in which foreign policy was an instrument of repression and political persecution during the dictatorship. Finally, an analysis is made of CIEX's secret documents, dealing with its persecution of the exiled politician Leonel Brizola in Uruguay, as well as the actions of one of CIEX's infiltrated agents, Alberto Conrado, also known as Altair. It is concluded that, between 1964 and 1985, Itamaraty actively acted as a member of the reactionary, authoritarian, and anti-leftist apparatus of the dictatorship. Research in primary sources revealed the methods used by the agency to spy not only on Brizola but also on various other individuals, including the recruitment of civilian agents, often infiltrated in left-wing organizations. Such practices were known to the upper echelons of government, who instructed diplomats to alter or destroy official communications on the subject. It was also identified that CIEX saw its work as an important part of Brazilian foreign policy, in its mission to develop Brazil.Item Burocratas de nível de rua ou elites? Aspectos estruturais e recrutamento na Defensoria Pública brasileira(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-05-09) Jesus, Gustavo Alves de; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5357071817030412; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Ribeiro, Ednaldo AparecidoThe present work analyzes the process of structuring the Brazilian Public Defender's Office and the recruitment of public defenders considering the changes brought about by Constitutional Amendment n° 80/2014, which claims to be the institution “an expression and instrument of the democratic regime”. The function of the defender is the object of analysis according to the theories of elites and bureaucracy at the street level, in order to subsequently assess the possible effects of the framework on the public policy of access to justice. The topic gains relevance when considering the expansion of the institution to all jurisdictional units, unfinished, but expected to occur by the end of 2022. Added to this is the reduced number of studies on the institution with the potential to serve approximately 80 % of the Brazilian population. To promote exploratory research, primary and secondary databases were used. The formation of the primary database had 706 questionnaires, resulting in a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 3.5%, while the secondary database had the participation of all general public defenders and through surveys with all public defenders and 3,134 responses, resulting in a survey with a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 1.3%. Respondents were asked about their socio-demographic profile and their perception of the structure of the Public Defender's Office, stating that the institution is made up mostly of white people, from high-income families and with a high level of education. Defenders are part of elites in a broad sense, but only part of the members make up political elites, being street-level bureaucrats by nature. Thus, the results on the inadequacy of work structure, workload and reflections on care are relevant, with the first two items being associated with each other.Item Regimes internacionais de proteção a direitos humanos e a prevalência da necropolítica – um estudo sobre as políticas públicas de combate ao racismo no Brasil(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-12) Silva, Mariana de Andrade da; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9317426815646934; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Roriz, João Henrique; Rosa, WaldemirThe research presented here intends to verify whether the international human rights regime in the fight against racism that emerges from Durban and the Inter-American Conventions on the matter is similar to the public policies adopted in Brazil. A documentary analysis was carried out to remove categories, called interpretative keys, in the Declaration and Programme of Action of Durban (2001) and, within the scope of the Inter-American Human Rights System, in the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance and in the Inter-American Convention against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance. Then, a comparison was carried out based on similarities between the selected international regimes and the projects that dealt with the fight against racism and that are included in Brazil's multi-year Plans for the period 2000-2019. The results show that public policies in Brazil, in that period, are similar in some aspects to the policies outlined in the selected international regulations. However, they do not reflect the central aspects that structure the protection of black people.Item Capacidade de saúde e cidadania: convergências empíricas e teóricas entre qualidade da democracia e saúde pública na América Latina (2000-2019)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-29) Barretos, Maria Luiza Pereira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki ArchangeloThe study assesses the effect that democracies, of varying levels of quality, have on public health in Latin America between 2000 and 2019. Public health is portrayed based on Ruger's (2009) conceptualization of health capacity in States of Justice. Health capacity, human flourishing so that individuals can select their ways of life and valuable actions, becomes feasible in regimes that allow public participation and the treatment of health as a human right. To determine the possible relationship between quality of democracy and (capacity for) health, correlation tests and analysis of variance are applied, with complementary tests to aggregate indicators related to the variables. studied. The independent variable is the Participatory Democracy Index of the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, and the dependent variables, infant mortality and life expectancy rates. The main finding is a strong association between quality of democracy and public health. On a scale of 0 to 1, democracies of a quality greater than 0.4 have a positive impact on public health, especially when there is greater diffusion of universal social welfare policies. In addition, the results from the analysis of variance demonstrate the difficulty with this type of statistical test for the treated elements.Item Capacidades estatais e aprendizagem durante a pandemia do COVID-19: em unidade hospitalar gerida por Organização Social em Goiânia(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-14) Ribeiro, Walquiria Meira Teixeira; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lukas Toshiaki Archangelo; Filgueiras, Fernando de BarrosThe arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic challenged political authorities, public agencies and citizens. In the area of health policy, the ability to respond to the crisis involved the ability to manage health units, state capacity and the performance of street-level bureaucrats. This work aims to understand how complex processes of formulation and implementation of public policies and state capacities may have impacted the level of learning of the public policy to combat COVID-19 between the two waves of the pandemic, in a hospital unit governed by the Social Health Organization – OSS -, in Goiânia/Goiás. Surveys were carried out with: the managers of the Association for Management, Innovation and Health Results – AGIR (managing entity of the co-participating units in the research), the Hospital de Urgências Governador Otávio Lage de Siqueira – HUGOL, and the Hospital de Campanha to face the COVID-19 – HCAMP; to the frontline professionals who work at HUGOL; and members of the State Health Council. The quantitative descriptive and qualitative methods (thematic and exploratory analysis) were adopted in the data analysis. A bibliographic review was also carried out on topics related to public policies, state capacities and learning. The result of the thematic analysis shows, for example, that during the implementation, the participation of the actors took place with involvement, often in training/capacity building and with the engagement of frontline professionals in patient care actions and clarifications to the population about the COVID-19 (ways of prevention). It was also verified that the state capacities – resources, abilities and competences of the State that are mobilized for the production of public policies – were carried out, for example, with the participation of the involved actors integrating Commissions of the COE - Center of Emergency Operations in Health (organizational structure that aims to promote a coordinated response through the articulation and integration of the actors involved) and editing of normative acts. Learning, on the other hand, occurred quickly, reinvented, resilient and in the midst of “overcrowding”. The issues that appeared in the thematic analysis also show that there is a relationship between public policy processes - formulation and implementation, state capacities and learning. This relationship shows that the policy formulation/implementation process is sustained by state capacities, despite implementation challenges and critical capacities for some factors. Among the implementation challenges are: illness (physical and psychological) of the team and work overload, fear of contagion of the disease, and critical state capacities (deficient number of professionals, insufficient structure and lack of inputs). Both capacity and policy processes positively influence the learning process. This, however, does not occur uniformly among the actors, as it was classified as: “natural”, “difficult” and “resilient”. Despite the implementation challenges, critical abilities and varied learning, it is concluded that there was a level of learning that positively impacted the policy and this is associated with the existence of a State capacity to maintain professionalized bureaucracies and expand channels of inclusion, interlocution and negotiation with the various actors involved in public policy.Item Política e fiscalidade: uma crítica à teoria democrática contemporânea a partir do Sul Global(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-16) Cambuim, Raul Costa; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Faria, Cláudia Feres; Miguel, Luís FelipeThis work sought to explore the intimate relationship between taxation and democracy in general. Thus, a socio-fiscal approach was justified in order to assess the way in which fiscal policy would appear or not in part of the democratic theory considered “conventional” and which was produced in Brazil after redemocratization. In this sense, the potentialities of fiscal sociology were highlighted, a field still in consolidation, but very promising in placing fiscal policy itself as a relevant explanatory variable, as well as the importance and role of fiscal conflicts in shaping modern politics. In addition, the concept of neoliberalism was rescued from reflections on the possible democratic declines that have been observed for a variety of countries in recent years, especially through the sadness of public finances and the construction of a global “new social organization”. However, a specific historical expression of this phenomenon, which is typical of the Global South, was mobilized to explain the Brazilian case and its particularities, thus demonstrating that even the least demanding notions of democracy have been diluted in scenarios of selective and anti-democratic public budgets. Therefore, it is argued that class struggles in contemporary liberal democracies happen, especially, around disputes and conflicts involving public budget resources.Item Juventudes partidárias: um estudo sobre renovação e recrutamento de elites políticas(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-30) Santos, Rafael Silva dos; Alves, Vinícius Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5280134976334285; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Ribeiro, Pedro José FlorianoThe study seeks to understand the performance of young people in party organizations, examining how party youths are part of the organizational structure and their role in the process of functioning and renewal of political parties. Using the grounded theory approach as methodological inspiration, surveys of the statutes and interviews were conducted with youth leaders of the PARTIES DEM, PP, PSDB, MDB, PT and PCdoB – selected by their scope and diversity in the political-ideological spectrum. The main findings of the research are demonstrated through the collection of data from the interviews conducted that stated that the party youths, in accordance with the specialized literature, are, yes, agents of attraction of new members to the party and, consequently, of leaders, resulting in renewal of the staff. Another finding – this one spontaneously brought by the field – is the importance of the local (municipal) arena in political disputes involving young leaders and, by consequence, their formation as professional politicians.Item Estado e neoliberalismo: o pensamento de Wolfgang Streeck e o caso brasileiro(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-02-22) Marra, Kariny Cruz Nogueira; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Lopes, Tiago Camarinha; Silva, Hugo Fanton Ribeiro daThe main objective of the present research was to analyze to what extent the ideal-typical notion of the debt State elaborated by Wolfgang Streeck, who focused on understanding the contours of the financial and fiscal crisis of current capitalism, applies to the Brazilian State after the Constitutional Amendment nº. 95. Specifically, we propose a bibliographic review regarding the foundations of the modern State from the perspective of budget and taxation, carrying out the hypothesis that these two vectors are also capable of explaining power relations. Understand the strengths and weaknesses of the theory from a deep mapping of the theory itself, but also of the theoretical, historical, economic and political contexts. Initially, from authors who have directly criticized the theory of crisis presented by Streeck, such as Jürgen Habermas, Adam Tooze (2017), Jerome Roos (2019), Melinda Cooper (2017) and others that can be used as a contrast, Mark Blyth (2017) for example, we hypothesized that public debt is not an independent variable, as suggested. In fact, indebtedness has always been part of the fiscal policy of states, playing a relevant role, including in the evolution of capitalist states (ROOS, 2019). Thus, although it is evident that high public debt rates had relevant consequences for the world after 2008, it is not an intrinsic problem, much less the determining factor or condition for the democratic problems that followed. For this reason, with regard to the Brazilian case, the thesis presented by Streeck is unable to explain the contours of the country's fiscal and political situation, since Streeck ignores a central aspect of the dynamics between debt creditors and the State. It is not merely an economic issue, in which there is a growing debt that needs to be paid by a debtor who finds it increasingly difficult to pay off his debts, but it is a political issue. The peculiar situation in which Brazil finds itself, with regard to its public finances, in view of the extreme austerity measures that have been applied in the country, cannot be explained by the conception of the Debt State, or by the confrontation of Staatsvolk by the Marktvolk.Item Injustiça estrutural e responsabilidade política compartilhada no pensamento de Iris Marion Young(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-09-20) Araujo, Rayanne Saturnino de; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Silva, Adriano Correia da; Negamine, Renata Reverendo Vidal KawanoIris Marion Young (1949-2006) researched topics such as gender, social oppression, democracy, justice, race, equality, globalization, and international relations. In this research, I propose to explore your reflections on the theme of justice, specifically, I want to understand how the concept of shared political responsibility, developed by her, becomes central to the reduction of structural injustices. To this end, I make a conceptual analysis of Young’s reflections on the themes of justice/injustice, recognition, democracy and political responsibility. In this process I analyze several concepts that Young elaborated to: make a critique of the distributive paradigm of justice; situate democracy as a means to promote justice; and devise a way to consider the unintentional actions of individuals on the theme of justice. I consider as research source her three main books: Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990), Inclusion and Democracy (2002), and Responsibility for Justice (2011) and other articles related to the topics covered. It was possible to identify that Young’s thought has many contributions to the theme of justice, but there are also some underdeveloped aspects. Young understands that justice must be grounded in Habermas’s ethics of communicative action, not in the notion of social contract as Rawls does. She suggests that we should broaden the scope of justice beyond distributive issues to consider other types of relationships that also give rise to injustices, such as division of labor, decision-making processes, and culture. Young is more concerned with identifying processes of injustice that can be resolved than with devising a perfectly just society. It follows that she does not have a clear and systematized concept of what she understands for justice. For her we must consider that a situation is unfair when social groups, in detriment of the structural position they occupy, suffer domination or oppression. As a result, injustice to Young is structural. Democracy is placed by the philosopher as the central way to promote justice, which when does not work well can contribute to injustice by keeping certain groups excluded. For this reason, Young reviews the conception of deliberative democracy to make it more inclusive of marginalized social groups. She proposes to broaden the mechanisms of communication, review the notion of representation and reflect on governance exercised at the local and global levels. In this discussion, Young suggests that we should push democracy across borders. Finally, to consider how unintended individual actions link to unfair structural social processes, Young consider the level of structural action of individuals rather than the interactional level. At the structural level people contribute to unfair processes through everyday habits and practices, so their actions and choices must be subject to some kind of judgment - political responsibility. For this reason, Young was concerned with defining the kind of responsibility we should give individuals for injustice, as their actions are being disregarded by theories of justice, although they are fundamental to making the world less unfair.Item A cooperação frustrada no âmbito nuclear entre Brasil e Índia (1996-1998)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-03-22) Motta, André Luiz Cançado; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Wrobel, Paulo Sergio; Franco, Geisa Cunha; Lessa, Antônio Carlos MoraesBetween 1996 and 1998, Brazil and India tried to sign a nuclear agreement. For different reasons, the attempt failed mainly on the Brazilian side. This research intends to demonstrate that there is a common causal element in this: international North American pressures and a change in the political orientation of the Brazilian government, which despite the decision to sign a nuclear agreement with India, did not proceed with it. The cooperation attempt took place in the following context: Brazil and India were not signatories of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) until 1998. They began nuclear technology transfer commitments after signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the National Nuclear Energy Commission (CNEN) and the Department of Atomic Energy of India (DAE) in January 1996. In July of the same year, an additional protocol is also signed, known as the São Paulo Protocol, a document that lists dual- purpose (which can be used for peaceful or military purposes) and non-dual technologies to be explored as the initial development of the agreement between the parties. The research is based on the theoretical framework of autonomy and (in)dependence in foreign policy decisions. A qualitative methodology is used, supported by the use of process tracing, in which research will be carried out on documents, semi-structured interviews, and literature review, correlating them to the case study of the aforementioned cooperation. The hypothesis is that the information contained in these sources will demonstrate that Brazil was persuaded to continue its cooperation with India. Thus, the results obtained were as follows: i) the MoU was seen as an attempt to exercise a certain degree of autonomy with the conduct of Brazilian nuclear policy, even though the country was entering a phase of unprecedented adherence to the NPT, and its denunciation (rupture) in 1998, was not consensually accepted; ii) the agreement with India was strategic to reactivate research regarding the use of thorium as nuclear fuel in Brazil; iii) the agreement had the potential to promote the technical and scientific nuclear development of Brazil and India, aiming at the industrial and commercial creation of fuels for thorium and uranium-233-fueled PWR reactors; iv) the United States pressured Brazil with the objective of impeding the agreement.Item Neoliberalismo e desdemocratização: o novo eixo dos estudos políticos?(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-05-23) Rocha, Thainara de Ávila; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Santos, Rayani Mariano dos; Trindade, Thiago AparecidoPursuing to identify the existence of a new research axis in the Political Science, on this body of work we are analyzing the theories that deal with the democratic decline in the last decade. This analysis is based on the the fiscal relations, understanding that these are capable of creating subjectivities and changing the history of countries. On that matter, we explore the relationship between neoliberalism and the democratic decline. On these theories, which have distinct approaches, we found a concatenation between the way that democracy progressively fades alongside the consolidation of neoliberalism policies around the globe.Item Mandato coletivo de Alto paraíso de goiás: dinâmicas de atuação e estímulo à participação popular entre 2017 e 2020(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-06-22) Dutra, Leonardo Coelho dos Santos; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Santos, Rayani Mariano dos; Gugliano, Alfredo AlejandroThe present research carries out a case study on the Collective Mandate of Alto Paraíso de Goiás, which was in force between the years 2017 and 2020. that would be inserted in the representative system, different, therefore, from the classic models of participatory democracy, it will seek to identify in the model under examination the occurrence of opening for the manifestation of the local population. Thus, the primary objective of this work is to investigate the extent to which the discourses frequently found in political campaigns and advertising materials would be necessary, which could also be identified in the analysis of academic texts, in the sense that the exercise of collective mandates would have the ability to promote an effective participation of the population in the decisions of the State. More than a narrative, the statements can be understood as a desire of the groups, since they invariably adopt postures and in fact implement programs that they believe are fulfilling the objective of inclusion. In the case of Alto Paraíso de Goiás it was no different. From the campaign, through the exercise of the mandate to the interviews with the mandate ended, the members maintained that they identified with this participatory ideal, through extra-parliamentary programs and bills. Thus, in order to investigate the extent to which expectations were met with effective popular participation, the present case study was carried out on the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary action of the Collective Mandate, in order to analyze the proposed question, using as a parameter the recent theories of representative democracy, which, it is believed, indicate ways to adequately respond to the problem.Item Brasil, Arábia Saudita e a "correção de rumo": a construção da relação bilateral entre brasileiros e sauditas durante governo Geisel (1974-1979)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-25) Barcelos, Luana de Melo; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Alarcon, DanilloBefore the consequences caused by OPEC member countries resulted in the first oil shock, in 1973, Brazil had began a diplomatic rapprochement with the Middle East. Within the history of Brazil's international relations, the year 1973 is assigned, therefore, as the starting point for the pro-Arab political phase. Diplomatic and consular representations were formed thereafter, and diplomatic ties were strengthened. Brazilian foreign policy has undergone changes, mainly due to the change in management. This paper sought to detail, specifically, the construction of the diplomatic and commercial relationship between Brazil and Saudi Arabia during the Geisel government (1974-1979). Therefore, the objective of the research is to identify the reasons that led Brazil to approach diplomatically and commercially Saudi Arabia in the years 1973 to 1979. In order to make sense of this bilateral relationship, the following question arises: How did Brazil approach diplomatically and commercially from Saudi Arabia in the Geisel Government (1974-1979)? To analyze this bilateral relationship, the research was methodologically based on the development of the historical method, so that there was an analysis of primary sources - through journalistic texts, official documents and telegrams - and secondary sources, mainly through articles , books and dissertations that had the historical theme of the Geisel government.Item Luta por reconhecimento, políticas públicas, economia solidária e economia criativa: um estudo do povo Kalunga(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-11-12) Belchior, Luciana de Araujo Rosa Rocha; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Oliveira, Dijaci David de; Lopes, Tiago CamarinhaRecognition permeates from the point of view of the most diverse areas and sources, which, through their studies, seek support for the resolution of social conflicts that lead groups to fight to be recognized in their difference and identification. Blacks, women, homosexuals, Indians, struggle to confirm their rights through a legal system and laws. In this examination, the relationship seeks to recognize the remaining quilombo communities, studying the case of the Kalunga people, and the theories presented by Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and in particular that of Axel Honneth, who published the work “The Struggle for Recognition: the moral grammar of social conflicts ”, which deals strictly with the theme. With the promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, after several political debates and with the participation of Movements engaged in the fight for racial equality, Article 68 of the Acts of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions (ADCT) was inserted, which changed the legal, political and social conditions of the quilombo remnants, although social transformation still requires the implementation of Public Policies to resolve inequality and a recognition that exalts their historical and cultural difference. It was colonialism, more specifically from the time of the flags, that the Kalunga quilombola people emerged, whose history begins with the occupation of the state of Goiás. Enslaved to work in mining, the escapes of men of African origin became numerous, and the quilombos , the social result of these escapes, were frequent throughout the history of gold in Goiás. On November 20, 2009, Black Consciousness Day, the territory of the remaining quilombo community Kalunga was recognized by presidential decree, having the Quilombo Association Kalunga (AQK), as his legal guardian and continuing his tireless struggle for recognition. The Ethnodevelopment and Solidarity Economy Project (2013), according to its final research report, the biggest problems faced by the community, the lack of job opportunities and income generation is the most serious point. In this vein, this study seeks to analyze whether the Creative Economy, an economy driven by the cultural aspects of a society and the Solidary Economy that is an alternative of income and work that aims at social inclusion are capable to alleviate these problems, intrinsic to the recognition as a cultural community and of specific identity values, using the study of Public Policies, which are the government's answer to social problems.Item Lei de cotas e representação: a seleção de candidatas para a Câmara Municipal de Goiânia nas eleições de 2020(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-10-21) Moraes, Ana Carolina de Brito; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Tarouco, Gabriela da SilvaThe present investigation focuses specifically on the results of the Quota Law for the insertion of women in the city of Goiânia, analyzing the process of selection of candidates for the Municipality of Goiânia in the 2020 elections and the profile of elected candidates . The topic is relevant, since most studies in this area take place at the federal level. The general objective is to analyze the proportionally smaller participation of women in Brazilian political positions, with a focus on Goiânia and on the effectiveness of the Quota Law. Thus, the process of applying the Quota Law in the selection of women in political parties for candidates for councilor in the Municipality of Goiânia was investigated. The methodology used instruments such as analysis of electoral legislation, decision-making mechanisms adopted by political parties, electoral data provided by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and interviews with candidates, elected or not, and party leaders. In this sense, the data and the interviews allowed us to understand that as much as the parties comply with the legislation foreseen in relation to gender quotas, it is not enough, there is still a long way to go. The interviews yielded very interesting results, as they approached the backstage of electoral campaigns and how each party operates. It was found that there is no internal preparation in the parties concerned with the formation and political preparation of women, aiming at really competitive candidacies.Item A crise internacional de 2008 e a integração regional: os efeitos e as estratégias adotadas no Mercosul e na União Europeia(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-02) Almeida Filho, Marcelo Marques de; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Durães, Telma Ferreira do Nascimento; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araújo; Lucena, Andréa Freire deThis study aims to analyze the impacts of the economic crisis of 2008 in the MERCOSUR and the EU until 2013 and set out the main economic strategies adopted by the two integration schemes to combat the crisis. The effects and strategies adopted by South Americans Brazil and Argentina and Europeans Germany and Greece will also be assessed, as the decisions are not unanimous in the processes and each country has sought different solutions internally, changing the reflects of the crisis according to the case. The study will weave an overview about what are the international economic crisis and how they affect integration schemes. Considering that international regimes and studies on cooperation influence the integration, the analysis of these fit into explanations of what are international economic crises. The hypothesis is that MERCOSUR and EU retract as the main effect of the economic crisis of 2008, fitting with the theoretic expectation that integration processes reduces economic transactions and limit political retract and institutional agreements in times of during economic crises. Meanwhile, the reaction of the two largest economies of MERCOSUR and the process as a whole is contradictory, as Argentina and Brazil rose protectionism among them, at the same time that the scheme has worked to include more members and open up new consumer markets. In the EU, nor the countries were able to reach a consensus on anti-crisis measures and, therefore, the recession persists. Aiming to test the hypotheses, the study use a qualitative methodology of analysis and promote a historical reconstitution of the formation of the integration processes and the relationships between them. In theoretical terms, both neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism provide contributions to identify patterns of behavior adopted by the two schemes in relation to crises.Item Preconceito racial ou competição econômica? A opinião pública sobre a vinda de estrangeiros para o Brasil(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-08-16) Santos, Cíntia Soares Rodrigues dos; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Cervi, Emerson Urizzi; Rodrigues, Cristiano dos SantosThe master thesis discusses how Brazilian public opinion behaves in relation to foreigners coming to the country. Specifically, it tests two important theoretical approaches presente in the literature: racial prejudice and economic competition. The perception of the arrival of foreigners is measured using data from a survey prepared by SECOM/PR in 2015 and the analyzes suggest that both dimensions are present, although the evidence for the first is stronger, that is, the results point to the existence of a selectivity in the acceptance of foreigners considering their origin and race. When observing that foreigners of African or Haitian origin were perceived in a more negative way, they suggest the existence of racial and origin prejudice in the way in which some groups of immigrants are categorized and question the idea that foreigners are always welcome and well received in Brazil. The probability of negatively seeing the coming of foreigners to Brazil is greater when they come from countries with a predominantly black population, such as Haiti and countries in Africa, compared to other groups, such as Latinos, Asians, Europeans and Americans. This fact is supported by the historical and social construction of Brazil presented here. A history that is marked by a slavery and subjugation heritage of the black population.Item O Processo decisório da anexação do Acre sob a ótica de uma análise de política externa(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-05-27) Pitaluga, André Luiz Oliveira Guimarães; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0809314258237860; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; Pietrafesa, Pedro AraújoThis dissertation analyzes the decision-making process of annexation of Acre, defined in 1903 with the signing of the Treaty of Petrópolis, with reference to the models formulated by Graham Allison, in the book The Essence of Decision, to review the decision-making process in the case of missile crisis in Cuba in 1959. The decision negotiated by Brazil of acquiring Acre with the payment of indemnity to Bolivia and the Bolivian Syndicate, both involved in the issue, was considered under the rational actor model with an evaluation of the alternatives that the Braziliangovernment of the early republican period had at his disposal, concluding that, in the calculation of gains and losses, it was the most suited option to Brazil. Regarding the organizational process model, the behavior of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was analyzed in disputes for territory, with the conclusion that the standard used to be adopt by the agency was reproduced in part in the case of Acre, in which only the use of the concept of uti possidetis, and not also an arbitration process, was present. Applying the government policy model, the participations of Olinto de Magalhães, Rui Barbosa and Barão do Rio Branco in the decisive phase of the case of Acre were evaluated, concluding that the position of the latter was the one that prevailed.