Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais (FCS)
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Item Complexos agroindustriais e sua influência na Farm Bill de 2014(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-03-22) Rodrigues, Isabela Almeida; Thomaz, Laís Forti; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1130657650061867; Thomaz, Laís Forti; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Lopes, Rafael Bittencourt RodriguesThis work investigates the ethanol lobby on the American agricultural law, the Farm Bill, of 2014. The formation of the ethanol agro-industrial complex usually engages in the construction of arrangements between actors according to the best combination that helps them achieve their interests in agricultural laws. The role of the State is fundamental in this conformation: it is in its interest that the Farm Bills are perpetuated, as these laws help in the economic maintenance of the country. This situation occurs in a specific context that allows for re-election, international trade and lobbying. It is in this scenario that the influence of certain agents on public policies occurs. Thus, the objective is to understand the formulation of the 2014 Farm Bill, in addition to the aspects that influence its votes and how financing contributes to politicians continuing to vote in favor of these laws. To achieve this, in the research we will use the process-tracing method explaining outcome PT. The hypothesis is that the ethanol agro-industrial complex, through lobbying among actors interested in maintaining Farm Bills, influenced the formation of the 2014 law's agenda. As a result, it was possible to debate the theories used, in addition to collecting data regarding the law, and analyze the viability of the hypothesis. Finally, we conclude that there is interaction between different actors, in accordance with the hypotheses of the Advocacy Coalition Framework and the Agroindustrial Complex theory, which guided the agenda and approval of the 2014 Farm BillItem A política Africana do Brasil como parte do pragmatismo ecumênico e responsável (1974-1979)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-05) Guimarães, Beatriz dos Reis Silva; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Alarcon, Danillo; Franco, Geisa CunhaBrazil's foreign policy during the Geisel government (1974-1979), entitled Ecumenical and Responsible Pragmatism, took as one of its priorities the strengthening of ties with friendly nations overseas. The interest in Black Africa was not a surprise since, during the Médici government (1969-1974), the Minister of Foreign Affairs Gibson Barboza carried out an important mission to the African continent with the aim of evaluating the nations that until then were fighting for independence. In the 1970s, on the international scene, there was a strengthening of the Third World movement, the immersion of a narrative in favor of human rights, the Carnation Revolution (1975) and the first two Oil Crises (1973 and 1979). Domestically, the Brazilian military dictatorial regime (1964-1985) was heading towards its transition period, and there was a need to expand new markets, strengthen Brazil's image as a relevant international player, and secure oil supplies, among other priorities. Consequently, turning to the African continent (especially Southern Africa) became not only a priority but a necessity on the Brazilian foreign policy agenda. The objective of this dissertation is to analyze Brazil's African policy during the Geisel government and understand the elements that originated the formation and implementation of the strategy used under the command of Foreign Minister Azeredo da Silveira. As a methodology, this work uses analysis of primary sources from historical archives from CPDOC (Center for Research and Documentation of Contemporary Brazilian History) in parallel with a bibliographic review of the period in question, with the aim of establishing a dialogue between the authors on the subject and the vision of Itamaraty.Item Entre a Resistência e a Repressão: uma análise da Securitização dos Movimentos Sociais no Brasil e na Colômbia durante a Pandemia de COVID-19(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-10-29) Bosco, Vander Finotti; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Lopes, Rafael Bittencourt Rodrigues; Madeira, Gabriel BentoThe securitization process is a widely studied topic in international relations when we think about themes that address the international community and highlight the relationship between the speaker (securitizing agent) and the listener (Public Opinion). This work investigates the role of social media in the securitization of social movements during the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on Brazil and Colombia. Based on Critical Security Studies and using Stritzel as a starting point for the analyses, it analyzes how States tend to frame social movements as threats to national security, associating them with terrorist acts. Using data triangulation, the research examines the impact of social media on the articulation and resistance of movements in the face of state repression, employing digital media analysis and field research to understand whether Stritzel's theory, previously examined from and for the Global North, can be used from the perspective of the Global South.Item Relação civil militar na Guiné-Bissau (2000-2020)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-06-27) Bissindé , Cam-Naté Augusto; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Pereira, Analúcia DanileviczGiven a context of extreme political, economic and social instability in Guinea-Bissau, it is intended, through this dissertation, to study the cycles of interventions of the Armed Forces in everyday political life over the last two decades. The work seeks to study, deliberately, how the successive blows took place, and what impacts the society reaped. The work is divided into three parts, in addition to the introduction and final considerations. In the first part, some concepts related to the theme of civil-military relationship are addressed, to bring together the thought of experts on the subject and dialogue about the approaches they present. In the second part, the emphasis is on the historical contextualization of the formation of the Armed Forces of Guinea-Bissau in a context marked by the national liberation struggle against Portuguese colonialism. The third and final part deals specifically with the 2014 general election, analyzing the expectations and political frustrations marked by the political-party crisis. Also in the last part was made the analysis of interviews.Item O desenvolvimento da doutrina brasileira de cooperação civil-militar: da MINUSTAH à Segurança Pública(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-08-26) Coelho, Dalila Luiza; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Marques, Adriana Aparecida; Pfrimer, Matheus HoffmannThis study analyzes the development and characteristics of the Brazilian doctrine of Civil-Military Coordination (CIMIC) and its relationship with the Brazilian military's role in domestic politics. It relies on an academic literature that discusses how participation in Peace Operations can negatively affect the relationship between the Armed Forces and civilians in troop-contributing countries through the development of techniques and discourses that enable military expansion into civilian life. Drawing on this literature, we ask how this occurs. To answer this question, we analyze the Brazilian CIMIC doctrine and the expansion of the Armed Forces into the field of Public Security. The study relies on academic literature discussing the lessons learned from MINUSTAH within the scope of GLO and Pacification operations, as well as on studies about the subsequent implementation of practices experienced abroad in Brazil as a reference. To analyze the trajectory of the CIMIC concept, we analyzed primary sources, particularly the Final Employment Reports of the Contingents, as well as semi-structured interviews with two military personnel who participated in MINUSTAH. The results lead to the conclusion that the way the concept was constructed in the doctrine, the elements that compose it, and the interest in using it in domestic operations indicate that CIMIC can aid the military in the process of expanding into national politics. This work contributes both to the literature addressing the impacts of peace missions and to the discussions on civil-military relations.Item A repercussão do Bill Palmerston na imprensa brasileira no ano de 1839(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-10-03) Martins, Victor Henrique Simonselos; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Youssef, Alain El; Brito, Adriane Sanctis deThis dissertation examines the public debate in the Press of Rio de Janeiro, which occurred in 1839, to answer its research question: how did the Brazilian Press react to the tightening of British actions to cease the transatlantic slave trade? To do so, it focuses on the repercussions of the Palmerston Bill and the impact of International Relations on the Rio de Janeiro Press during that time. The collected database consists of 1457 printed journals available in the Digital Newspaper Library of the National Library which circulated in the Capital of the Brazilian Empire in 1839. These documents were studied from various perspectives, including Atlantic, social and political history. The research aims to analyse Press debates regarding the continuity of the slave trade and the British interventions to stop it. Patterns of action and reaction, significant events, and prominent personalities were identified. Themes such as sovereignty and national dignity were constantly at the forefront. By examining the newspapers from 1839 available in the digital collection, it was possible to understand the extent to which the Brazilian Press was responsive to internal and external events and how international relations were reflected in the writings of the periodical editors. This analysis indicates that there was a constant concern with the events of the Old Continent and how Brazil would deal with the labour problem for agriculture, given the high demand in agriculture, the high mortality rate of captives, and the difficulty in attracting salaried European settlers to replace the enslaved workersItem Políticas públicas para a juventude: uma análise da implementação do ProJovem Urbano em Goiânia(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-05-29) Alves, Sandra Regina; Lameirão, Camila Romero; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1401479784897625; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Saddi, Fabiana Cunha; Sofiati, Flávio Munhoz; Bezerra, Heloísa DiasThis research aims to understand the implementation process of the ProJovem Urbano (Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens – the National Program of Youth Inclusion) in the city of Goiânia, Goiás, Brazil. In order to reach this objective, a mapping of the Program was realized since its original version in 2005, going by its reformulation in 2008, until 2012, the last year of execution of ProJovem Urbano in Goiânia. To analyse a public policy requires a fine perception of the political, economic and social country's configuration, so that this three fields will guide the explanation of these policies' impact on the young and the society. Thus, the dynamics evolved at the moment of implementation, its institutional spread, its legal stand and the State's action towards the public policies by the concepts of federalism, decentralization and Welfare State, are relevant elements to understand the matter. Brazil's 1988 Constitution was a turning point regarding the public policies decentralization, so that the three government levels started working in cooperation to provide the policies and programs to citizens. Finally, despite being contrasting perspectives, the research favoured the top-down and bottom-up analysis models, for supplying the inspiration in different analytical moments of the Program by means of a methods triangulationItem O crime compensa? Uma análise sobre a prática de infrações eleitorais e o (in)sucesso eleitoral nas eleições em Goiás(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-09-20) Moraes Júnior, Márcio Antônio de Sousa; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9425542829673914; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Barbosa, Leon Victor de QueirozThis research discusses and analyzes the potential objective relationship between the commission of electoral infractions and success at the polls. In other words, it examines whether those who commit more electoral offenses have a higher chance of being elected. The study is both novel and relevant, especially considering the number of candidates and the various offenses and sanctions applied by the Electoral Justice. It also seeks to verify whether the popular saying "crime pays" applies to elections in Goiás. The chosen period, from 2016 to 2022, encompasses times of significant changes in the political-electoral and health contexts in Brazil. The methodology involved analyzing the convictions imposed by the Regional Electoral Court of Goiás and the election results, which are necessary elements to investigate the proportion of elected candidates who were convicted versus those who did not face any penalties throughout the electoral processItem Para o mercado, pela família, pró-cadeia: neoliberalismo, neoconservadorismo e punitivismo nos discursos de deputados federais goianos entre 2019 e 2022(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-06-25) Resplande, Giovanna Petrocchi; Assis, Mariana Prandini Fraga; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6063839307299913; Santos, Rayani Mariano dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4955773602006525; Santos, Rayani Mariano dos; Mano, Maíra Kubik Taveira; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Assis, Mariana Prandini FragaThe political, social and economic context of Brazil is marked by the determination of the neoliberal model, which became more accentuated during the 56th legislature. However, neoliberalism does not appear alone. Neoconservatism and punitivism are part of this scenario, and the relationship between these political imaginaries appears not only in the national situation, but also in the history of Goiás to the present day. This research investigates the interconnections and articulations of the political imaginaries of neoliberalism, neoconservatism and punitivism in Brazilian and Goiás institutional politics through the analysis of the speeches of Goiás deputies João Campos, Police Major Vitor Hugo and Police Chief Waldir in the 56th legislature. The research studies how the exposition of neoliberal, neoconservative and punitive ideas, concepts or principles were presented in these speeches and, therefore, participated in the production of the political and social situation in Brazil and Goiás between 2019 and 2022. Based on the systematization of the speeches given by parliamentarians in plenary, the analysis of the speeches was based on the conceptual expositions presented, and the formulations raised about political imaginaries in the research. The results obtained allow us to observe two main conclusions: one theoretical and the other analytical. Conceptually, it was observed that political imaginaries are interconnected, since neoconservatism is the moralistic engine of neoliberalism, instrumentalizing punitivism as a form of manifestation of its purposes. However, after analyzing the speeches, it was noticed that the political imaginaries appear in a less ideological way than the initial theorization and are not necessarily connected. Human complexity, obstacles in the theory-practice relationship and personal and institutional constraints were the hypotheses identified for this result. Despite this, it was possible to verify that the neoliberal, neoconservative and punitive themes most addressed by deputies involve religion, incarceration, police authoritarianism, weaponsism, the defense of Jair Bolsonaro's honor and the appreciation of the Social Security Reform.Item Relação entre judicialização da política e a proposta de emenda à constituição n° 33/2011(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-03-31) Soares, Hugo Henry Martins de Assis; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Marona, Marjorie CorreaRecent theme in Brazilian political debates refers to a possible constitutional crisis, specifically between the legislative and judicial branches, with interference in the duties of each, in which, citing as an example, the Proposed Constitutional Amendment n. 33/2011, while attempting to limitation of the functions granted to the Federal Supreme Court (STF). The question is in practice increasingly commonplace lead to the decision of the Judiciary certain polemical and controversial issues in Brazilian society. The core of the discussion permeates the interpretation of the Constitution, questioning judicial supremacy regarding its interpretation and application, or if there is the possibility of expansion to other political actors, without causing the loss of normative weight. Within the broader role of the judiciary in national political decision making process is what the literature meant for judicialization of politics. This concept brings the political role of the judiciary, to claim the effectiveness of fundamental rights and guarantees, contributing to the implementation of essential fundamental precepts of democracy. It is intended in this study to examine the possible relationship between the judicialization of politics with the initiation of PEC n. 33/2011 and its subsequent approval by the Commission of Constitution and Justice and Citizenship, which will be trying to understand the relationship mainly through interviews with parliamentarians involved in PEC n. 33/2011 proposition and rapporteur, along with those present at the session of the Committee on Constitution, Justice and Citizenship upon approval of said PEC.Item Desenvolvimento econômico e bens de capital: o retrato do setor de bens de capital no Brasil entre 2003 e 2018(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-07-03) Silva, Fernanda Alves Rodrigues da; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3346616463532660; Martins, Aline Regina Alves; Silva, Joyce Helena Ferreira da; Leite, Alexandre César CunhaThere has been a long debate in academia about economic development and which variables influence the process of overcoming underdevelopment. In Brazil, since the 1930s, governments have had a history of interrupted implementation of industrial policies that were always intended to strengthen the national economy and reduce growth's dependence on imports of machinery and equipment. Although in the 1980s the government managed to increase the share of added value from manufactured goods in the Gross Domestic Product, this feat came at the cost of high state debt and hyperinflation. After the process of economic liberalization in the 1990s, the implementation of the Industrial, Technological and Foreign Trade Policy (2004-2007) proved to be a return of industrial policies to the government's agenda. Since then, the government has implemented the Productive Development Policy (2008-2010), the Greater Brazil Plan (2011-2014) and the More Productive Brazil Plan (2014-2018) with the aim of strengthening the national industry and, consequently, the Capital Goods sector. In addition to analyzing the industrial policies implemented between 2003 and 2018 by the Federal Government, this research also used data on the import and export of capital goods to construct the Trade Specialization Index (TSI) and the Trade Intensity Index (TII) in order to build a portrait of the Brazilian Capital Goods sector during the research period. The IEC can be used as a proxy for the competitiveness of the Capital Goods sector in trade with other countries. The ICC measures the weight of the Capital Goods segment in bilateral trade, in this specific study, with Argentina, China and the United States. The results showed that Brazil did not present commercial specialization for the sector and the Trade Intensity Index only presented significant results in bilateral trade with Argentina, a country that makes up MERCOSUR together with Brazil and has differentiated customs treatmentItem Recrudescimento da extrema direita: um estudo comparado das políticas de contraterrorismo da Alemanha, dos Estados Unidos e do Reino Unido(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-03-26) Santos, Roberta Coelho dos; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Suarez, Marcial Garcia; Botelho, João Carlos AmorosoConsidering the concerns regarding the resurgence of extreme-right terrorism presented by government authorities and terrorism theorists, this thesis’ main objective is to answer the following question: ‘To what extent is extreme-right terrorism considered a major threat by security policy makers?’ The research proposes a comparative study of the national counterterrorism strategies of Germany, the United States and the United Kingdom and aims to identify possible changes in their scope, as well as the adoption of measures specifically aimed at confronting extreme-right terrorists. The investigation has a descriptive nature; qualitative approach; and, applies bibliographic and documentary review techniques followed by comparative study. The comparative study of policies, concentrated on the 2011-2021 time horizon, seeks to assess whether publicly expressed concerns regarding the expansion of extreme-right terrorism materialized in a reorientation of security policies in the analyzed countries and to what extent possible changes in counterterrorism approach were effective in reducing the number of terrorist attacks based on this ideology. Methodological limitations identified throughout the research are: the lack of consensus regarding the definitions of terrorism and the extreme-right; and, consequently, the absence of standardized and comparable statistical data. This research concluded that, although the counterterrorism strategies of the sample were effectively reoriented to cover extreme-right terrorism, this occurred late and at different levels of organization and depth. The evolution, assessment and treatment of the threat were influenced by specific elements such as historical aspects linked to racial segregation and the adoption of extensive immigration and refugee policies. In all cases, the statistical data collected demonstrated that the efforts adopted within the time horizon examined were not sufficient to contain the growth of the extreme-right, which continued to expand. In the three countries in the sample, the mainstreaming of extreme-right discourse and the beginning of processes of delegitimization of the Democratic State were observed, as well as state negligence in assessing non-Islamic terrorist threats and adopting specific counterterrorism policies to address themItem Vira-casacas e fiéis na assembleia legislativa de Goiás: um estudo sobre coalizões e governabilidade na 19ª legislatura (2019-2023)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-05-23) Santos, Francisco Cezar; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9425542829673914.; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Ferreira, Denise PaivaThis is an investigation about coalition government, opposition, and party migration in the state of Goiás, to identify patterns of opposition and of support that state deputies show for the governor and the influence of the governability factor. The period covered is from 2007 to 2023 (from the 16th to the 19th legislatures). Longitudinal and descriptive analyses were used to identify opposition deputies who migrated to support the governor. At the conceptual and theoretical level, parliamentary oppositions, coalitions, and the executive-legislative relationship are discussed. The study identifies a migration pattern from the opposition to the status quo during the first two years of the legislature, and that the levels of parliamentary support for the Executive's proposals are quite similar between oppositionists and governing parties. The study expands knowledge concerning the governing-opposition dynamics in a subnational context and helps to understand the political process in Goiás over the last 20 years.Item Vozes divergentes? Uma análise de gênero das opiniões sobre assuntos públicos no Brasil(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-26) Pereira, Shirley de Jesus Oliveira; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Gonçalves, Eliane; Assis, Mariana Prandini FragaThis work aims to answer the following research question: Do men and women have the same opinions on public issues in Brazil? To do this, it was necessary to make a comparison between the female and male categories. The answers given by men and women on certain public issues in public opinion survey questionnaires that had already been carried out were analyzed. Two questionnaires were selected, Brazilian Electoral Study (ESEB/CESOP) 2022 and Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) 2018/2019. The work’s hypothesis is that women will have more progressive attitudes than men in relation to issues of compassion and more conservative attitudes in relation to moral issues. The public issues investigated were: social welfare policies, minority rights, equal roles between men and women, support for democracy and moral issues. The independent variables were: sociodemographic, government evaluation, ideology, party preference, employment status, gender identity and number of children under 13 years old living in the house. After logistic and linear regression analyses, it was found that Brazilian women tend to support the adoption of children by a gay couple and same-sex marriage more than men (support appears both in the ESEB data and in the LAPOP data) and the rights of homosexuals to run for public office, that public schools teach children to pray and believe in God. They opposed the decriminalization of drug use, the reduction of the age of criminal responsibility, privatization of public service, the fact that the rich pay a lot of taxes and receive little in state services and abortion even in cases where the mother's life is at risk. They are less likely to believe that democracy is preferable to other forms of government and are more dissatisfied with democracy in the country than men (similar results in both ESEB and LAPOP data).Item #Elenão e ni una menos: a "quarta onda" feminista e o ativismo nas redes sociais(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-12-20) Peçanha, Virgínia Generoso; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Gonçalves, Eliane; Martins, Aline Regina AlvesThis work aims to analyze the movements #EleNão (#NotHim), in Brazil, and Ni Una Menos (Not one [Woman] less), in Argentina, and if it is possible to understand them as an expression of a supposed "fourth wave" of feminist movements. The choice of such movements was due both to the protagonism of women and to the magnitude of their multitudinous marches, started on the Internet and which took mainly women to the streets not only in their countries of origin, but also in different parts of the world. To the purpose, a review of the literature on the "fourth wave", a term that is still in dispute. In addition to the literature review, that still incipient, interviews were conducted with activists from both countries, approved by the Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa (CEP) of Universidade Federal de Goiás.Item O lado oculto da política externa: o papel do Itamaraty como um agente de repressão durante a ditadura militar brasileira (1964 - 1985)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-04-17) Provazzi, Vinícius Sawczenko Morais; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Castilho, Alessandra Beber; Patti, CarloThe objective of this dissertation is to analyze the means by which Brazilian foreign policy, during the years of military dictatorship (1964-1985), was used for political repression purposes. As a study of the history of Brazilian foreign policy, this research belongs to the line of research of International Politics, within the area of International Relations. The work consists of a literature review and research in primary sources, in the form of secret documents from the archives of CIEX, the Itamaraty's espionage agency. First, a review of the traditional foreign policy literature centered on the work of Amado Cervo is made, which generally downplays the role of Itamaraty as an agent of repression and emphasizes foreign policy as a driver of the country's economic development. Then, there is a review of critical literature that addresses the various ways in which foreign policy was an instrument of repression and political persecution during the dictatorship. Finally, an analysis is made of CIEX's secret documents, dealing with its persecution of the exiled politician Leonel Brizola in Uruguay, as well as the actions of one of CIEX's infiltrated agents, Alberto Conrado, also known as Altair. It is concluded that, between 1964 and 1985, Itamaraty actively acted as a member of the reactionary, authoritarian, and anti-leftist apparatus of the dictatorship. Research in primary sources revealed the methods used by the agency to spy not only on Brizola but also on various other individuals, including the recruitment of civilian agents, often infiltrated in left-wing organizations. Such practices were known to the upper echelons of government, who instructed diplomats to alter or destroy official communications on the subject. It was also identified that CIEX saw its work as an important part of Brazilian foreign policy, in its mission to develop Brazil.Item Burocratas de nível de rua ou elites? Aspectos estruturais e recrutamento na Defensoria Pública brasileira(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-05-09) Jesus, Gustavo Alves de; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5357071817030412; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Ribeiro, Ednaldo AparecidoThe present work analyzes the process of structuring the Brazilian Public Defender's Office and the recruitment of public defenders considering the changes brought about by Constitutional Amendment n° 80/2014, which claims to be the institution “an expression and instrument of the democratic regime”. The function of the defender is the object of analysis according to the theories of elites and bureaucracy at the street level, in order to subsequently assess the possible effects of the framework on the public policy of access to justice. The topic gains relevance when considering the expansion of the institution to all jurisdictional units, unfinished, but expected to occur by the end of 2022. Added to this is the reduced number of studies on the institution with the potential to serve approximately 80 % of the Brazilian population. To promote exploratory research, primary and secondary databases were used. The formation of the primary database had 706 questionnaires, resulting in a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 3.5%, while the secondary database had the participation of all general public defenders and through surveys with all public defenders and 3,134 responses, resulting in a survey with a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 1.3%. Respondents were asked about their socio-demographic profile and their perception of the structure of the Public Defender's Office, stating that the institution is made up mostly of white people, from high-income families and with a high level of education. Defenders are part of elites in a broad sense, but only part of the members make up political elites, being street-level bureaucrats by nature. Thus, the results on the inadequacy of work structure, workload and reflections on care are relevant, with the first two items being associated with each other.Item Regimes internacionais de proteção a direitos humanos e a prevalência da necropolítica – um estudo sobre as políticas públicas de combate ao racismo no Brasil(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-12) Silva, Mariana de Andrade da; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9317426815646934; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Roriz, João Henrique; Rosa, WaldemirThe research presented here intends to verify whether the international human rights regime in the fight against racism that emerges from Durban and the Inter-American Conventions on the matter is similar to the public policies adopted in Brazil. A documentary analysis was carried out to remove categories, called interpretative keys, in the Declaration and Programme of Action of Durban (2001) and, within the scope of the Inter-American Human Rights System, in the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance and in the Inter-American Convention against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance. Then, a comparison was carried out based on similarities between the selected international regimes and the projects that dealt with the fight against racism and that are included in Brazil's multi-year Plans for the period 2000-2019. The results show that public policies in Brazil, in that period, are similar in some aspects to the policies outlined in the selected international regulations. However, they do not reflect the central aspects that structure the protection of black people.Item Capacidade de saúde e cidadania: convergências empíricas e teóricas entre qualidade da democracia e saúde pública na América Latina (2000-2019)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-29) Barretos, Maria Luiza Pereira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki ArchangeloThe study assesses the effect that democracies, of varying levels of quality, have on public health in Latin America between 2000 and 2019. Public health is portrayed based on Ruger's (2009) conceptualization of health capacity in States of Justice. Health capacity, human flourishing so that individuals can select their ways of life and valuable actions, becomes feasible in regimes that allow public participation and the treatment of health as a human right. To determine the possible relationship between quality of democracy and (capacity for) health, correlation tests and analysis of variance are applied, with complementary tests to aggregate indicators related to the variables. studied. The independent variable is the Participatory Democracy Index of the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, and the dependent variables, infant mortality and life expectancy rates. The main finding is a strong association between quality of democracy and public health. On a scale of 0 to 1, democracies of a quality greater than 0.4 have a positive impact on public health, especially when there is greater diffusion of universal social welfare policies. In addition, the results from the analysis of variance demonstrate the difficulty with this type of statistical test for the treated elements.Item Capacidades estatais e aprendizagem durante a pandemia do COVID-19: em unidade hospitalar gerida por Organização Social em Goiânia(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-14) Ribeiro, Walquiria Meira Teixeira; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lukas Toshiaki Archangelo; Filgueiras, Fernando de BarrosThe arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic challenged political authorities, public agencies and citizens. In the area of health policy, the ability to respond to the crisis involved the ability to manage health units, state capacity and the performance of street-level bureaucrats. This work aims to understand how complex processes of formulation and implementation of public policies and state capacities may have impacted the level of learning of the public policy to combat COVID-19 between the two waves of the pandemic, in a hospital unit governed by the Social Health Organization – OSS -, in Goiânia/Goiás. Surveys were carried out with: the managers of the Association for Management, Innovation and Health Results – AGIR (managing entity of the co-participating units in the research), the Hospital de Urgências Governador Otávio Lage de Siqueira – HUGOL, and the Hospital de Campanha to face the COVID-19 – HCAMP; to the frontline professionals who work at HUGOL; and members of the State Health Council. The quantitative descriptive and qualitative methods (thematic and exploratory analysis) were adopted in the data analysis. A bibliographic review was also carried out on topics related to public policies, state capacities and learning. The result of the thematic analysis shows, for example, that during the implementation, the participation of the actors took place with involvement, often in training/capacity building and with the engagement of frontline professionals in patient care actions and clarifications to the population about the COVID-19 (ways of prevention). It was also verified that the state capacities – resources, abilities and competences of the State that are mobilized for the production of public policies – were carried out, for example, with the participation of the involved actors integrating Commissions of the COE - Center of Emergency Operations in Health (organizational structure that aims to promote a coordinated response through the articulation and integration of the actors involved) and editing of normative acts. Learning, on the other hand, occurred quickly, reinvented, resilient and in the midst of “overcrowding”. The issues that appeared in the thematic analysis also show that there is a relationship between public policy processes - formulation and implementation, state capacities and learning. This relationship shows that the policy formulation/implementation process is sustained by state capacities, despite implementation challenges and critical capacities for some factors. Among the implementation challenges are: illness (physical and psychological) of the team and work overload, fear of contagion of the disease, and critical state capacities (deficient number of professionals, insufficient structure and lack of inputs). Both capacity and policy processes positively influence the learning process. This, however, does not occur uniformly among the actors, as it was classified as: “natural”, “difficult” and “resilient”. Despite the implementation challenges, critical abilities and varied learning, it is concluded that there was a level of learning that positively impacted the policy and this is associated with the existence of a State capacity to maintain professionalized bureaucracies and expand channels of inclusion, interlocution and negotiation with the various actors involved in public policy.