Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais (FCS)
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Item A crise internacional de 2008 e a integração regional: os efeitos e as estratégias adotadas no Mercosul e na União Europeia(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-02) Almeida Filho, Marcelo Marques de; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Durães, Telma Ferreira do Nascimento; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araújo; Lucena, Andréa Freire deThis study aims to analyze the impacts of the economic crisis of 2008 in the MERCOSUR and the EU until 2013 and set out the main economic strategies adopted by the two integration schemes to combat the crisis. The effects and strategies adopted by South Americans Brazil and Argentina and Europeans Germany and Greece will also be assessed, as the decisions are not unanimous in the processes and each country has sought different solutions internally, changing the reflects of the crisis according to the case. The study will weave an overview about what are the international economic crisis and how they affect integration schemes. Considering that international regimes and studies on cooperation influence the integration, the analysis of these fit into explanations of what are international economic crises. The hypothesis is that MERCOSUR and EU retract as the main effect of the economic crisis of 2008, fitting with the theoretic expectation that integration processes reduces economic transactions and limit political retract and institutional agreements in times of during economic crises. Meanwhile, the reaction of the two largest economies of MERCOSUR and the process as a whole is contradictory, as Argentina and Brazil rose protectionism among them, at the same time that the scheme has worked to include more members and open up new consumer markets. In the EU, nor the countries were able to reach a consensus on anti-crisis measures and, therefore, the recession persists. Aiming to test the hypotheses, the study use a qualitative methodology of analysis and promote a historical reconstitution of the formation of the integration processes and the relationships between them. In theoretical terms, both neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism provide contributions to identify patterns of behavior adopted by the two schemes in relation to crises.Item A atividade legislativa do presidente da República na política democrática brasileira(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-03-06) Alves, Vinícius Silva; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ribeiro, Pedro José Floriano; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Botelho, João Carlos AmorosoThis work aims at, from a comparative perspective, testing the hypothesis that the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, when collated with the 1946 constitutional text, shows an increased influence of the president of the republic over the legislative process. So this question guides the work: to what extent the 1988 Constitution unbalanced in favor of the chief executive, the handling of the legislative process and the corresponding production of existing legislation? We also use the comparative method to identify traces of continuity and rupture in the established relationship between the Executive and Legislative powers from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 to 2010. To accomplish this, first, the concept of political influence, from the work of Robert Dahl, and its relevance to political systems analysis, will be explored. After that, institutional recourses that allow the Chief Executive to influence the parliament members, present in the Brazilian constitutional history, will be listed, emphasizing the observation of the initiative powers and the prerogative of producing a law like normative act without the participation of the Legislative Power. Furthermore, the work observes the real influence of the president of republic, moment where data concerning the volume of legislative propositions and the duration processing of law projects from each one of the mentioned powers will be presented. At last, this thesis analyses the possible effects of the presence of an agent endowed with an expressive influence deriving from the asymmetric distribution of political resources provoked by an institutional plan.Item Análise do discurso sustentável do Banco Nacional do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES), a partir da “iniciativa BNDES Mata Atlântica”(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-25) Antonio, Marisa Dorive; Sartore, Marina de Souza; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7935836189977378This thesis aims to analyze the dynamics of the discourse of environmental policies of the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), trying to study the "BNDES Atlantic Forest Initiative". The general theme of this research is "sustainable development", seen by BNDES performance in the market. This study adopts the perspective of Fligstein (2001), which is guided by the idea that the state is behind the expansion of markets, and through the creation of rules, laws, all this transform the market policy, and that the more laws, the greater the presence of the state and the greater the performance and availability of markets. Within this perspective, and studying Magalhães (2006), which linked to Fligstein perspective, this research shows that the Environment has their own speeches, besides reaching the sphere of finance, creates and expands new markets.Item A influência da obra de Giorgio Agamben para a literatura política da América Latina(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016-08-04) Araújo, Frederico dos Santos; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Franco, Michele Cunha; Tavares Neto, José QuerinoThe initial purpose of this essay is to look for evidences that the work of the italian writer Giorgio Agamben influences the Latin American academic politic literature in a significative way. In a complementary manner, it intends also to evaluate if the own latin american history represents an incentive to researchers of different knowledge's areas get help in the Agamben's teachings, in reason to a convergency of theories (Homo Sacer, State of Exception, bare life, biopolitic, camp, etc) and facts (colonization, dictatorial regimes, violence state, etc.). At the end, original manners to enrich reasonings and debates about important social political problems will also be evaluated, using, for that, concepts developed by Giorgio Agamben, writer that, necessary to register, owns a theoretical framework rich, dense, sometimes complex, but, first off all, quite appropriate to face actual questions related to the natural tension between the State and the Individual and, therefore, related to the own life.Item Injustiça estrutural e responsabilidade política compartilhada no pensamento de Iris Marion Young(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-09-20) Araujo, Rayanne Saturnino de; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Silva, Adriano Correia da; Negamine, Renata Reverendo Vidal KawanoIris Marion Young (1949-2006) researched topics such as gender, social oppression, democracy, justice, race, equality, globalization, and international relations. In this research, I propose to explore your reflections on the theme of justice, specifically, I want to understand how the concept of shared political responsibility, developed by her, becomes central to the reduction of structural injustices. To this end, I make a conceptual analysis of Young’s reflections on the themes of justice/injustice, recognition, democracy and political responsibility. In this process I analyze several concepts that Young elaborated to: make a critique of the distributive paradigm of justice; situate democracy as a means to promote justice; and devise a way to consider the unintentional actions of individuals on the theme of justice. I consider as research source her three main books: Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990), Inclusion and Democracy (2002), and Responsibility for Justice (2011) and other articles related to the topics covered. It was possible to identify that Young’s thought has many contributions to the theme of justice, but there are also some underdeveloped aspects. Young understands that justice must be grounded in Habermas’s ethics of communicative action, not in the notion of social contract as Rawls does. She suggests that we should broaden the scope of justice beyond distributive issues to consider other types of relationships that also give rise to injustices, such as division of labor, decision-making processes, and culture. Young is more concerned with identifying processes of injustice that can be resolved than with devising a perfectly just society. It follows that she does not have a clear and systematized concept of what she understands for justice. For her we must consider that a situation is unfair when social groups, in detriment of the structural position they occupy, suffer domination or oppression. As a result, injustice to Young is structural. Democracy is placed by the philosopher as the central way to promote justice, which when does not work well can contribute to injustice by keeping certain groups excluded. For this reason, Young reviews the conception of deliberative democracy to make it more inclusive of marginalized social groups. She proposes to broaden the mechanisms of communication, review the notion of representation and reflect on governance exercised at the local and global levels. In this discussion, Young suggests that we should push democracy across borders. Finally, to consider how unintended individual actions link to unfair structural social processes, Young consider the level of structural action of individuals rather than the interactional level. At the structural level people contribute to unfair processes through everyday habits and practices, so their actions and choices must be subject to some kind of judgment - political responsibility. For this reason, Young was concerned with defining the kind of responsibility we should give individuals for injustice, as their actions are being disregarded by theories of justice, although they are fundamental to making the world less unfair.Item As possibilidades de participação política dos centros de mães internacionais(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-03-28) Barbosa, Manuela Stein da Silva; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Tokarski, Flávia M. Biroli; Souza, Marta RoveryThis research analizes the positive effects of Mother Centers on the political participation of the women and their contribution for the elaboration of the public political agenda. The case study compares the experiences of women of Mothers Centers in seven countries, with historical, geographical and different socio-political contexts, and their reflexions about their own political participation and collaborations. The research shows how Mother Centers are institutionalized and intermediate spaces between citizens and the government, building bridges of communication for the transmission of political interests and preferences. The analysis of the survey was conducted across a broad theoretical framework on participatory political participation and theories about Social Capital (amongst others: Miguel, 2003; Borba, 2012; Castro e Novaes, 2002; Norris, 2007; Phillips, 1995; Putnam, 2006). Thus, the research aims to be a positive contribution to the new theories of political participation extends seeking a participatory involvement of citizens and civil society in a proactive and democratic setting.Item O fim do paraíso fiscal Sul-Americano: o processo decisório uruguaio(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-06-05) Barbosa, Márcio Roberto da Costa; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Botelho, João Carlos Amaroso; Negri, CamiloUruguay, previously known as the “South American Switzerland”, adopted the tax haven model. Nevertheless, with the Tax Reform (Law No. 18.083) passed in 2007, the country abandoned this model. The question that this paper aims to answer is the reason for the political decision taken by the country to stop being a tax haven. The hypothesis raised for this investigation was subdivided in two planes. Externally, the scenario was one of version to tax havens and the pressure exerted over them. Internally, the motive would be the difficulty of establishing compatibility between a leftist government and a tax haven model. It was exactly when a political party with this ideology came into power that the reform was accomplished. This case study used documents as supporting data. The theory that erved as basis for this analysis is found on the work An Economic Theory of Democracy, by Anthony Downs and such theory was in part confirmed empirically. Regarding the ypothesis, and taking into consideration the international standpoint, an adverse nternational scenario served as confirmation of the country‟s decision. The same cannot be said about the internal scenario, in which the issue of ideology was not shown to be a determining factor for the decision which is the object of this study.Item Brasil, Arábia Saudita e a "correção de rumo": a construção da relação bilateral entre brasileiros e sauditas durante governo Geisel (1974-1979)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-25) Barcelos, Luana de Melo; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Alarcon, DanilloBefore the consequences caused by OPEC member countries resulted in the first oil shock, in 1973, Brazil had began a diplomatic rapprochement with the Middle East. Within the history of Brazil's international relations, the year 1973 is assigned, therefore, as the starting point for the pro-Arab political phase. Diplomatic and consular representations were formed thereafter, and diplomatic ties were strengthened. Brazilian foreign policy has undergone changes, mainly due to the change in management. This paper sought to detail, specifically, the construction of the diplomatic and commercial relationship between Brazil and Saudi Arabia during the Geisel government (1974-1979). Therefore, the objective of the research is to identify the reasons that led Brazil to approach diplomatically and commercially Saudi Arabia in the years 1973 to 1979. In order to make sense of this bilateral relationship, the following question arises: How did Brazil approach diplomatically and commercially from Saudi Arabia in the Geisel Government (1974-1979)? To analyze this bilateral relationship, the research was methodologically based on the development of the historical method, so that there was an analysis of primary sources - through journalistic texts, official documents and telegrams - and secondary sources, mainly through articles , books and dissertations that had the historical theme of the Geisel government.Item Capacidade de saúde e cidadania: convergências empíricas e teóricas entre qualidade da democracia e saúde pública na América Latina (2000-2019)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-29) Barretos, Maria Luiza Pereira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki ArchangeloThe study assesses the effect that democracies, of varying levels of quality, have on public health in Latin America between 2000 and 2019. Public health is portrayed based on Ruger's (2009) conceptualization of health capacity in States of Justice. Health capacity, human flourishing so that individuals can select their ways of life and valuable actions, becomes feasible in regimes that allow public participation and the treatment of health as a human right. To determine the possible relationship between quality of democracy and (capacity for) health, correlation tests and analysis of variance are applied, with complementary tests to aggregate indicators related to the variables. studied. The independent variable is the Participatory Democracy Index of the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, and the dependent variables, infant mortality and life expectancy rates. The main finding is a strong association between quality of democracy and public health. On a scale of 0 to 1, democracies of a quality greater than 0.4 have a positive impact on public health, especially when there is greater diffusion of universal social welfare policies. In addition, the results from the analysis of variance demonstrate the difficulty with this type of statistical test for the treated elements.Item Luta por reconhecimento, políticas públicas, economia solidária e economia criativa: um estudo do povo Kalunga(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-11-12) Belchior, Luciana de Araujo Rosa Rocha; Mundim, Pedro Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0065670247671119; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Oliveira, Dijaci David de; Lopes, Tiago CamarinhaRecognition permeates from the point of view of the most diverse areas and sources, which, through their studies, seek support for the resolution of social conflicts that lead groups to fight to be recognized in their difference and identification. Blacks, women, homosexuals, Indians, struggle to confirm their rights through a legal system and laws. In this examination, the relationship seeks to recognize the remaining quilombo communities, studying the case of the Kalunga people, and the theories presented by Charles Taylor, Nancy Fraser and in particular that of Axel Honneth, who published the work “The Struggle for Recognition: the moral grammar of social conflicts ”, which deals strictly with the theme. With the promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, after several political debates and with the participation of Movements engaged in the fight for racial equality, Article 68 of the Acts of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions (ADCT) was inserted, which changed the legal, political and social conditions of the quilombo remnants, although social transformation still requires the implementation of Public Policies to resolve inequality and a recognition that exalts their historical and cultural difference. It was colonialism, more specifically from the time of the flags, that the Kalunga quilombola people emerged, whose history begins with the occupation of the state of Goiás. Enslaved to work in mining, the escapes of men of African origin became numerous, and the quilombos , the social result of these escapes, were frequent throughout the history of gold in Goiás. On November 20, 2009, Black Consciousness Day, the territory of the remaining quilombo community Kalunga was recognized by presidential decree, having the Quilombo Association Kalunga (AQK), as his legal guardian and continuing his tireless struggle for recognition. The Ethnodevelopment and Solidarity Economy Project (2013), according to its final research report, the biggest problems faced by the community, the lack of job opportunities and income generation is the most serious point. In this vein, this study seeks to analyze whether the Creative Economy, an economy driven by the cultural aspects of a society and the Solidary Economy that is an alternative of income and work that aims at social inclusion are capable to alleviate these problems, intrinsic to the recognition as a cultural community and of specific identity values, using the study of Public Policies, which are the government's answer to social problems.Item Hegemonia em transição: um estudo histórico-político sobre o campo da esquerda no Brasil contemporâneo (2003-2018)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018-11-27) Benedito, Sérgio Mendonça; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Bianchi, Alvaro; Maciel, DavidThis dissertation aimed to investigate if a new hegemony is emerging in the field of the Brazilian political left. By following the demonstrations of June 2013 and its immediate developments we saw a growing friction between the leftist collective actors, one part aligned with the Workers’ Party (PT) government – such as the Workers’ Unitary Union (CUT) and the Movement of Landless Rural Workers’ (MST) – and others who have organized themselves in recent years to oppose the moderate political project of the PT – such as the United Socialist Workers’ Party (PSTU), the Homeless Workers’ Movement (MTST), and the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL). On the one hand, the discrediting of the hegemonic left, centered on the PT, both in the ideological field and in society as a whole became more evident – given the limitations of the governments of Lula and Dilma in promoting a more prosperous, less unequal, violent and corrupt society. On the other hand, the left opposition, which was strengthened in the PT era by the engagement of a new generation of militants, played an important role in popular mobilization until the peak of the June protests. Having made this diagnosis, we asked whether there was a change in the balance of forces in the field, the possibility of a new hegemony, and the future of the left from those events. This qualitative research was based on the historiographic method and documentary analysis. Its theoretical foundations are found mostly in the work of Antonio Gramsci, from which we extract the categories for the study of political matters in a historical perspective. After a bibliographical survey on the beginnings of the New Republic, the constitution of PT’s hegemony and their presidential governments between 2003 and 2016, we dedicated ourselves to investigate the documents and resolutions issued by the collective actors until 2018 in order to characterize them and to understand their connections, affinities and rejections. Twenty-two organizations were selected according to the criterion of hegemonic potential, in a few words, those that participated in the current crisis of the left and are involved in the struggle for the direction of the field – in line with our gramscian referential. From this effort it was possible to conclude that the PT’s hegemony still holds despite all the setbacks in the post-2013 period and the growing activity of the left opposition. The latter, with the role of PSOL and MTST, became more influential and offered a great contribution to renew, pluralize the militancy and insert the newly politicized generations. In short, hegemony in the leftist field is still in dispute, without any indication of the ascendancy of an alternative direction. Its future will depend on those collectives who, jointly, are able to overcome fragmentation, indicate a new strategic horizon and guide the dispute in the society midst of a democracy in recession.Item Entre líderes partidários e trajetórias individuais: as implicações do background em saúde sobre o comportamento parlamentar(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016-06-14) Borges, Barbara Salatiel; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Couto, Cláudio GonçalvesThe aim of this study is to investigate to what extent Brazilian federal deputies’ backgrounds influences their behavior in the legislative arena, more specifically, the variation in their conduct in the nominal voting in the Chamber of Deputies during the period that corresponds to the 54th legislature. Beyond this, owing to a methodological choice and given the limitation of this research, the social background that interests us is that which, and according to selected criteria, would be connected to the health sector. The result of the tabular analysis between the variables shows that the health background is not a predictor of behavior of political actors.Item A Lei de Acesso à Informação em Goiás e seus efeitos na política de transparência pública do Poder Executivo estadual (2015-2018)(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-08-28) Brandão, Maria D’Abadia de Oliveira Borges; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Ferreira, Vicente Da Rocha Soares; Ferreira, Denise PaivaThe study investigates the process of implementation the Access to Information Law and its effects on the public transparency of the state executive branch in Goiás from 2015 to 2018 with regard to information published by the state agencies of the executive branch of the state, considering active transparency and passive. The research was carried out through the analysis of conformity of the information published by the state administration, aiming to understand the institutional effort of the state public power to make public the information under its custody or produced by it. The main source of information for the empirical research was Access to the Transparency l, the direct and indirect administration websites related to transparency (passive and active). The data gathered and documents analyzed show that the available information published on the transparency portal largely complied with the provisions of the legislation, and that in terms of active transparency, there was an institutional effort to follow the legislation, although not in its entirety. With regard to passive transparency, we found that the information demanded by citizens from the public authorities occurred and has been consolidated over the years analyzed, even if in an embryonic way. The findings lead us to ensure that there is a window of opportunity for process improvement in public policy already in place, aiming to achieve the state of the art in public transparency in Goiás.Item O estado democrático brasileiro e os mecanismos de inclusão e exclusão social do adolescente em conflito com a lei(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016-07-29) Camargo, Eduardo Martins de; Durães, Telma Ferreira Nascimento; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6386493067782696; Durães, Telma Ferreira Nascimento; Baldino, José Maria; Saddi, Fabiana da CunhaThis work deals with the socio-educational system and adolescents in conflict with the law in an open environment in the context of the Brazilian democratic State, seeking to answer the following question: are there mechanisms of inclusion and social exclusion acting concurrently on adolescents in conflict with the law in the democratic State Brazilian? It is divided into three chapters. The first brings a more theoretical approach on State, democracy and foundations of public policies. The second chapter presents a description of public policies aimed at adolescents in conflict with the law, especially SINASE. The third chapter deals with the mechanisms of inclusion and social exclusion of adolescents who comply with socio- educational measures; and presents data and analyzes on interviews with professionals who work in the socio-educational system of Goiânia; as well as presents data and analyzes on the field research done in medical records of adolescents in conflict with the law, of the Municipal Department of Social Assistance of Goiânia. We make use of in-depth interviews, analysis of a systematic sampling plan, data production via survey form of the Survey of the Municipal Socio-educational System in Goiânia, field diary. Keywords: State, Democracy, Public Policies, Adolescents in Conflict with the Law, Socio- educational System.Item Política e fiscalidade: uma crítica à teoria democrática contemporânea a partir do Sul Global(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-16) Cambuim, Raul Costa; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Faria, Cláudia Feres; Miguel, Luís FelipeThis work sought to explore the intimate relationship between taxation and democracy in general. Thus, a socio-fiscal approach was justified in order to assess the way in which fiscal policy would appear or not in part of the democratic theory considered “conventional” and which was produced in Brazil after redemocratization. In this sense, the potentialities of fiscal sociology were highlighted, a field still in consolidation, but very promising in placing fiscal policy itself as a relevant explanatory variable, as well as the importance and role of fiscal conflicts in shaping modern politics. In addition, the concept of neoliberalism was rescued from reflections on the possible democratic declines that have been observed for a variety of countries in recent years, especially through the sadness of public finances and the construction of a global “new social organization”. However, a specific historical expression of this phenomenon, which is typical of the Global South, was mobilized to explain the Brazilian case and its particularities, thus demonstrating that even the least demanding notions of democracy have been diluted in scenarios of selective and anti-democratic public budgets. Therefore, it is argued that class struggles in contemporary liberal democracies happen, especially, around disputes and conflicts involving public budget resources.Item Democracia e propriedade na América Latina: evidências empíricas de uma correlação positiva(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-05-12) Carneiro, Denise Talitha Soares; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; http://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?id=K4700343H8; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Avila, Carlos Federico Domínguez(Sem resumo em outra língua)Item O MDB ao MDB: um mapeamento da atuação parlamentar(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-05-17) Carvalho, Guilherme Augusto Batista; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araujo; Tarouco, Gabriela da SilvaThis work is devoted to investigating the parliamentary role of the MDB in the Chamber of Deputies over a period of twenty-three years, 1995-2017. The paper tries to understand how the MDB (P)MDB, with several internal divisions and structural difficulties for block decision making, behaves in a relatively stable way, and maintains an indispensable party in the composition of the ministries? To investigate, we analyze the institutional mechanisms used by the party in the Chamber of Deputies, such as the control of the agenda of various thematic commissions and mechanisms of regimentation of the support bases, given by the Federal Executive, such as appointments to ministerial positions and release of budget amendments individuals. to remain a party resilient to crises of governability, Based on the research findings, it is believed that the (P)MDB uses institutional instruments to elect large groups, to occupy the highest number of leadership positions in the Chamber, being able to occupy large positions in the Executive, thus having more access to the budget, thus increasing the exposure of its coreligionists at the local level, and, in short, increasing the chances of re-electing bigger groups. The findings of the research allow us to affirm that the (P)MDB uses institutional instruments to elect large groups, to occupy the highest number of leadership positions in the Chamber, being able to occupy large positions in the Executive, therefore having more access to the budget, thus increasing the exposure of their coreligionists at the local level, and, in short, increasing the chances of re-electing bigger groups.Item Órgão de solução de controvérsias da Organização Mundial do Comércio: uma análise de sobrevivência dos países-membros aos contenciosos no período de 1995 a 2018(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-03-20) Carvalho, Samuel Rufino de; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4327078837060568; Lucena, Andréa Freire de; Ribeiro, Pedro Feliú; Thomaz, Laís FortiThe Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organizations (WTO) is the main instrument through which member states stake their claims. The organization is an assertive reflection of the International Trade Regime (ITR). In this respect, this dissertation aims at analyzing whether the level of development of a member state affects its participation in the DSB, impacting on the effectiveness of the ITR in solving two problems of the international trade system: protectionism and the obstacles to development. For this purpose, the Simple Effectiveness (SE) of International Regimes was utilized as theoretical framework. The Survival Analyses was used as methodology. It focuses on the time until the occurrence of an event of interest. Therefore, the events analyzed were the complaints and responses before the DSB. Two different tools were used. First, the Kaplan-Meier Curve, which indicates the survival time of an individual until the occurrence of an event, was plotted. Thereafter, the Cox Regression was used. This tool associates the Survival Analyses to linear regression in order to examine the impacts of some independent variables (IVs) on the time until the occurrence of the events observed. The results showed that states with higher levels of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Human Development Index (HDI), and with bigger population have more chances of initiating a dispute and being questioned. Likewise, the American and the European continents are more likely to experience these events. In respect to the status of development, it was perceived that developed countries (DC) and developing countries (DCs) experience the incidence of an event more easily when compared to least developed countries (LDC). Regarding the variables related to the disputes, no set of characteristics could satisfactorily explain the occurrence of the events. As final thoughts, it was noted that the ITR is not able to reach complete effectiveness due to the lack of consensus among member states concerning the issue to be solved by the Regime.Item Implementação da política de regularização fundiária urbana de interesse social em Goiânia: process tracing de três estudos de caso na região noroeste(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-07-04) Coelho, Germano Araujo; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Oliveira, Vanessa Elias de; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araújo; Pereira, Ana KarineMost of the neighborhoods in the northwest region of the municipality of Goiânia are the result of housing policy promoted irregularly by the governments of the state of Goiás. During the long period, residents of these neighborhoods were unable to receive property titles. It was only from 2012 that the population began to receive the scriptures through the policy of land regularization of social interest implemented by the Housing Agency of the State of Goiás (Agehab). Thus, the objective of this research is to identify sufficient causal mechanisms to explain the results of the implementation of Agehab's land regularization policy, which began in 2008, in three case studies: São Domingos, Jardim Curitiba and the Casa Legal Program, which includes five neighborhoods (Floresta, Boa Vista, Vitória, São Carlos, Conjunto Primavera), condensed into a representative case of the general policy processes. It was used the process tracing method, of the explaining-outcome type, relying on ancillary evidence- gathering methods. Documentary analysis was performed, as well as in-depth interviews which were conducted with actors from the middle (07) and high-level (03) bureaucracies, as well as with community leaders from the studied neighborhoods (08), totaling 18 interviews. Hypotheses of causal mechanisms constructed based on Public Policy and urban policy literature were tested, and then non-systematic variables that emerged from the evidence in process tracing were added to the process tracing. As a result of the research, it is presented the combination of sufficient causal mechanisms of implementation to explain the products delivered by the policy (legal regularization and full regularization). The case of the São Domingos neighborhood was the starting point for the implementation of the policy, where occurred the process of policy learning within the Agency about the construction of the administrative and political process, as well as the beginning of rapprochement between Agehab and the region's population. The Casa Legal Program is marked by the effectiveness of the political and administrative process, in which the high and medium level bureaucracies played a large role in the results of politics, reaching the delivery of a large number of housing scriptures. Noteworthy in this case study is the tension process between politics and technique that resulted in the issuance of scriptures containing cadastral errors. The last case, from Jardim Curitiba, was the only one that received full regularization, which was only possible, due to the role of bureaucratic activism of the first Agency ́s management analyzed, which managed to articulate the transfer of PAC resources from the Ministry of Cities. During the implementation process, stands out the role of the Social Technical Work (TTS) in articulating with community leaders corrections in the initial urban intervention projects that had been elaborated by the technical bureaucracy without prior contact with the population of the neighborhood. It is also highlighted the role of ideas on land regularization, incorporated by Agehab's management and bureaucracies, in a way that impacted on how the Agency identified the housing problem, as well as the tools used to solve them.Item A decisão racional dos governantes pelos (des)cumprimento das soluções no âmbito da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos em face dos custos presumidos de implementação(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018-03-15) Costa, Adriano Sousa; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Ribeiro, Pedro Feliú; Patti, CarloThis research was anchored in the categorization of public policy tools (based on the Inter-American NATO model), which comprised the recommendations and agreements contained in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) case follow-up report, year 2017. Based on the assumption that the governors analyze the costs and benefits before implementing these tools, it was sought to investigate whether the total solutions compliance rate was linked to variables relevant to the present research, namely: the form of solution , the formal complexity of design, the form of state and the political regime degree of freedom. The aforementioned variables would function as informational shortcuts for the present research, in order to indicate the presumed costs of the governor (institutional, economic, political and legal costs). Finally, the first hypothesis tested relates to the relation between the solutions of less complex cases (in relation to the number of tools that compose the design) and whether they would be more fully compliant and whether the medium or high complexity ones would actually have increased chances of being partially fulfilled or even unfulfilled. Another hypothesis tested relates to the demand form of solution (friendly or meritorious), since it was assumed that a case amicably solved could have a greater propensity to comply. The third hypothesis concerned the greater or lesser propensity of federated / unitary countries for full compliance with the solutions. Finally, the last hypothesis referred to the hypothetical aptitude of the countries (categorized and divided in face of their freedom degree )to the total fulfillment of the solutions. In order to arrive at the desired conclusions, a multinomial logistic model was constructed, promoting the crossing of such data, which seemed apt to the arrival of conclusions about the relations existing between the aforementioned dependent variables investigated and the total compliance solution rate.