Programa de Pós-graduação em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais

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A expansão das milícias no Pará: os vínculos transnacionais e a simbiose com o crime organizado
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-09) Lopes, Ian Nunes Dias; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9077557270352537; Pfrimer, Matheus Hoffmann; Netto, Roberto Magno Reis; Miranda, Wando Dias
Militias in Brazil have unique characteristics and their own specific definition. They are a security problem that influences politics, culture, and the economy, directly affecting the outskirts of metropolises susceptible to conditions favorable to organized crime. Studying the roots of militia crime formation in Rio de Janeiro allows for a case study focused on analyzing the emergence of militias in cities like Belém, in the state of Pará. This analysis involves understanding the nuances of the militia phenomenon in Brazil, its comparison with Italian mafias, and its migration processes, with a focus on migration to new territories in three favorable scenarios: the growth of criminal factions in Pará, interactions with the illegal lottery (jogo do bicho), and expansion through police exchanges. The main objective of the dissertation is to examine the process of expansion of the militia model from Rio de Janeiro to Pará, delving into the factors that led to a rapid synergy between Pará's militias and criminal factions. The study aims to analyze how militia models across their various segments establish themselves in new locations. The methodology includes a literature review, document analysis, and interviews. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with sources directly connected to Pará's police force and individuals with direct or indirect experiences with militias. Contacts were obtained through a snowball sampling method, allowing for a range of plural sources. Data analysis criteria were applied in triangulation to the content gathered from the interviews. The findings reveal that the expansion of militias in Pará exemplifies one of the most entrenched militia phenomena in Brazil, stemming from a series of state decisions and omissions, contrastedby a concrete and effective encouragement of organized crime by its supporters.
A política Africana do Brasil como parte do pragmatismo ecumênico e responsável (1974-1979)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-05) Guimarães, Beatriz dos Reis Silva; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Alarcon, Danillo; Franco, Geisa Cunha
Brazil's foreign policy during the Geisel government (1974-1979), entitled Ecumenical and Responsible Pragmatism, took as one of its priorities the strengthening of ties with friendly nations overseas. The interest in Black Africa was not a surprise since, during the Médici government (1969-1974), the Minister of Foreign Affairs Gibson Barboza carried out an important mission to the African continent with the aim of evaluating the nations that until then were fighting for independence. In the 1970s, on the international scene, there was a strengthening of the Third World movement, the immersion of a narrative in favor of human rights, the Carnation Revolution (1975) and the first two Oil Crises (1973 and 1979). Domestically, the Brazilian military dictatorial regime (1964-1985) was heading towards its transition period, and there was a need to expand new markets, strengthen Brazil's image as a relevant international player, and secure oil supplies, among other priorities. Consequently, turning to the African continent (especially Southern Africa) became not only a priority but a necessity on the Brazilian foreign policy agenda. The objective of this dissertation is to analyze Brazil's African policy during the Geisel government and understand the elements that originated the formation and implementation of the strategy used under the command of Foreign Minister Azeredo da Silveira. As a methodology, this work uses analysis of primary sources from historical archives from CPDOC (Center for Research and Documentation of Contemporary Brazilian History) in parallel with a bibliographic review of the period in question, with the aim of establishing a dialogue between the authors on the subject and the vision of Itamaraty.
A repercussão do Bill Palmerston na imprensa brasileira no ano de 1839
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-10-03) Martins, Victor Henrique Simonselos; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Youssef, Alain El; Brito, Adriane Sanctis de
This dissertation examines the public debate in the Press of Rio de Janeiro, which occurred in 1839, to answer its research question: how did the Brazilian Press react to the tightening of British actions to cease the transatlantic slave trade? To do so, it focuses on the repercussions of the Palmerston Bill and the impact of International Relations on the Rio de Janeiro Press during that time. The collected database consists of 1457 printed journals available in the Digital Newspaper Library of the National Library which circulated in the Capital of the Brazilian Empire in 1839. These documents were studied from various perspectives, including Atlantic, social and political history. The research aims to analyse Press debates regarding the continuity of the slave trade and the British interventions to stop it. Patterns of action and reaction, significant events, and prominent personalities were identified. Themes such as sovereignty and national dignity were constantly at the forefront. By examining the newspapers from 1839 available in the digital collection, it was possible to understand the extent to which the Brazilian Press was responsive to internal and external events and how international relations were reflected in the writings of the periodical editors. This analysis indicates that there was a constant concern with the events of the Old Continent and how Brazil would deal with the labour problem for agriculture, given the high demand in agriculture, the high mortality rate of captives, and the difficulty in attracting salaried European settlers to replace the enslaved workers
Ação discricionária e criação embrionária de política pública: agentes comunitários de saúde no enfrentamento à violência e familiar contra a mulher
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-12-10) Coutinho, Rúbian Corrêa; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Durães, Telma Ferreira Nascimento; Telma Ferreira Nascimento Durães; Schimchak, Gabriella Assumpção Alvarenga
The Public Policy literature in Political Science provides the theoretical basis for understanding the dynamics of implementation and its importance in the process of delivering public services to society. This type of implementation analysis presents itself as a gap in the Brazilian literature in relation to the performance of community health agents (CHAs) in the preservation of women's human rights. The present work is based on the theory of Bureaucracy of Street Level and interrelated concepts, practical patterns (concepts) identified and developed by Lipsky (1980), characterized by discretionary actions, causing or not the creation of public policies in the front line. Quantitative and qualitative methods are applied. Design of semi-structured questionnaire with closed questions (quantitative variables) and open questions (qualitative variables). Due to the pandemic of COVID 19, research was done through online (WhatsApp) sent to 348 (CHAs) in Goiânia. 147 responses were obtained, a descriptive statistical analysis was carried out, tables of contingencies (crosstabulations) of the closed questions, thematic analysis and synthesis of the open questions. The results revealed that community health agents exercise little discretionary; their actions are permeated by dilemmas: a) between the requirement of notification and personal security; b) notification and confidentiality or respect for the privacy of the woman served; c) link with the service and professional ethics, resulting in little embryonic creation of public policy. It is necessary to invest in the training of the CHA so that he can get to know the Maria da Penha Law better. Concrete actions are also needed that help the CHA to alleviate or remedy dilemmas experienced during the work (whether at the time of notification, monitoring or other), thus leading to a provision of quality service in addressing domestic and family violence against women.
Análise do discurso sustentável do Banco Nacional do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES), a partir da “iniciativa BNDES Mata Atlântica”
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-25) Antonio, Marisa Dorive; Sartore, Marina de Souza; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7935836189977378
This thesis aims to analyze the dynamics of the discourse of environmental policies of the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), trying to study the "BNDES Atlantic Forest Initiative". The general theme of this research is "sustainable development", seen by BNDES performance in the market. This study adopts the perspective of Fligstein (2001), which is guided by the idea that the state is behind the expansion of markets, and through the creation of rules, laws, all this transform the market policy, and that the more laws, the greater the presence of the state and the greater the performance and availability of markets. Within this perspective, and studying Magalhães (2006), which linked to Fligstein perspective, this research shows that the Environment has their own speeches, besides reaching the sphere of finance, creates and expands new markets.
Anonimato, redes e política: uma cartografia do ativismo cypherpunk no Brasil
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-05-18) Sobreira, Rodrigo de Oliveira; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8838030644558019; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; Bezerra, Heloísa Dias; Leal, Sayonara de Amorim Gonçalves
Technological advances from the information revolution have affected various fields of human life. New forms of interaction in productive ways. The internet is one of the cornerstones of this process. The popularization of the web, since the 1990s, was accompanied by a growing concern by governments and scholars about its consequences. The political activism has found on technology, since the 1980s, new forms of expression and action. In the early twenty-first century, the process of radicalization of some movements and the debate on society of control and surveillance has intensified. The Wikileaks organization and the NSA’s (National Security Agency) documents leaked by Edward Snowden, for example, have shown the power and relevance of such groups. Thus, this study aims to assess and map the impact of this type of activism in Brazil. Since this is an exploratory research, the cartographic methodology will be used in order to provide an overview of cypherpunk activism in Brazil. We have chosen the cartographic methodology to present an overview of the impact of cypherpunks’ discourse in Brazil. The research tries to find the main disseminators of speech and action and understanding this process as a constant construction. This methodology allows both the treatment of robust data, obtained through mining in networks, as a qualitative analysis of data from documentary sources. In addition to the theoretical discussion, this work operates with data mining in social networks, especially Twitter. The goal is to obtain primary data on the subject in Brazil. Thus, data mining software capture tweets (yourTwapperKeeper) with keywords determined by theoretical discussion. Then the data are processed and entered into a visualization software (Gephi) that generates the "map" of the network and debate.
As aporias do lugar de fala: como a política identitária afetou a esquerda
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018-11-08) Morais, Lays Bárbara Vieira; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Miguel, Luis Felipe; Durães, Telma Ferreira do Nascimento
The research shows, first, the limits of the use of the speech place and, later, how this use and these limits affect the political action of the left, of the social movements of the left. The character of the work is theoretical, making an extensive bibliographical review and based on Critical Theory. In the first chapter we make a historical, political and theoretical point about the subject who speaks, the political action of a subject in the many visions within the left thinking. Chapter two deals with the limit of the current sense used to the speech place, namely: a liberal emphasis of politics on individuals, these are considered as an ideological category, the speech place as an individualism obliquely. Finally, it was concluded that the contemporary identity politics, represented by the use of the speech place, shifted the axis of action from the left of the collective to the individual.
A atividade legislativa do presidente da República na política democrática brasileira
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-03-06) Alves, Vinícius Silva; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ribeiro, Pedro José Floriano; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso
This work aims at, from a comparative perspective, testing the hypothesis that the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, when collated with the 1946 constitutional text, shows an increased influence of the president of the republic over the legislative process. So this question guides the work: to what extent the 1988 Constitution unbalanced in favor of the chief executive, the handling of the legislative process and the corresponding production of existing legislation? We also use the comparative method to identify traces of continuity and rupture in the established relationship between the Executive and Legislative powers from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 to 2010. To accomplish this, first, the concept of political influence, from the work of Robert Dahl, and its relevance to political systems analysis, will be explored. After that, institutional recourses that allow the Chief Executive to influence the parliament members, present in the Brazilian constitutional history, will be listed, emphasizing the observation of the initiative powers and the prerogative of producing a law like normative act without the participation of the Legislative Power. Furthermore, the work observes the real influence of the president of republic, moment where data concerning the volume of legislative propositions and the duration processing of law projects from each one of the mentioned powers will be presented. At last, this thesis analyses the possible effects of the presence of an agent endowed with an expressive influence deriving from the asymmetric distribution of political resources provoked by an institutional plan.
Brasil, Arábia Saudita e a "correção de rumo": a construção da relação bilateral entre brasileiros e sauditas durante governo Geisel (1974-1979)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-11-25) Barcelos, Luana de Melo; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Alarcon, Danillo
Before the consequences caused by OPEC member countries resulted in the first oil shock, in 1973, Brazil had began a diplomatic rapprochement with the Middle East. Within the history of Brazil's international relations, the year 1973 is assigned, therefore, as the starting point for the pro-Arab political phase. Diplomatic and consular representations were formed thereafter, and diplomatic ties were strengthened. Brazilian foreign policy has undergone changes, mainly due to the change in management. This paper sought to detail, specifically, the construction of the diplomatic and commercial relationship between Brazil and Saudi Arabia during the Geisel government (1974-1979). Therefore, the objective of the research is to identify the reasons that led Brazil to approach diplomatically and commercially Saudi Arabia in the years 1973 to 1979. In order to make sense of this bilateral relationship, the following question arises: How did Brazil approach diplomatically and commercially from Saudi Arabia in the Geisel Government (1974-1979)? To analyze this bilateral relationship, the research was methodologically based on the development of the historical method, so that there was an analysis of primary sources - through journalistic texts, official documents and telegrams - and secondary sources, mainly through articles , books and dissertations that had the historical theme of the Geisel government.
Burocratas de nível de rua ou elites? Aspectos estruturais e recrutamento na Defensoria Pública brasileira
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-05-09) Jesus, Gustavo Alves de; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5357071817030412; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Silva, Robert Bonifácio da; Ribeiro, Ednaldo Aparecido
The present work analyzes the process of structuring the Brazilian Public Defender's Office and the recruitment of public defenders considering the changes brought about by Constitutional Amendment n° 80/2014, which claims to be the institution “an expression and instrument of the democratic regime”. The function of the defender is the object of analysis according to the theories of elites and bureaucracy at the street level, in order to subsequently assess the possible effects of the framework on the public policy of access to justice. The topic gains relevance when considering the expansion of the institution to all jurisdictional units, unfinished, but expected to occur by the end of 2022. Added to this is the reduced number of studies on the institution with the potential to serve approximately 80 % of the Brazilian population. To promote exploratory research, primary and secondary databases were used. The formation of the primary database had 706 questionnaires, resulting in a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 3.5%, while the secondary database had the participation of all general public defenders and through surveys with all public defenders and 3,134 responses, resulting in a survey with a confidence level of 95% and a margin of error of 1.3%. Respondents were asked about their socio-demographic profile and their perception of the structure of the Public Defender's Office, stating that the institution is made up mostly of white people, from high-income families and with a high level of education. Defenders are part of elites in a broad sense, but only part of the members make up political elites, being street-level bureaucrats by nature. Thus, the results on the inadequacy of work structure, workload and reflections on care are relevant, with the first two items being associated with each other.
Capacidade de saúde e cidadania: convergências empíricas e teóricas entre qualidade da democracia e saúde pública na América Latina (2000-2019)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-09-29) Barretos, Maria Luiza Pereira; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo
The study assesses the effect that democracies, of varying levels of quality, have on public health in Latin America between 2000 and 2019. Public health is portrayed based on Ruger's (2009) conceptualization of health capacity in States of Justice. Health capacity, human flourishing so that individuals can select their ways of life and valuable actions, becomes feasible in regimes that allow public participation and the treatment of health as a human right. To determine the possible relationship between quality of democracy and (capacity for) health, correlation tests and analysis of variance are applied, with complementary tests to aggregate indicators related to the variables. studied. The independent variable is the Participatory Democracy Index of the Varieties of Democracy (V-DEM) project, and the dependent variables, infant mortality and life expectancy rates. The main finding is a strong association between quality of democracy and public health. On a scale of 0 to 1, democracies of a quality greater than 0.4 have a positive impact on public health, especially when there is greater diffusion of universal social welfare policies. In addition, the results from the analysis of variance demonstrate the difficulty with this type of statistical test for the treated elements.
Capacidades estatais e aprendizagem durante a pandemia do COVID-19: em unidade hospitalar gerida por Organização Social em Goiânia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-14) Ribeiro, Walquiria Meira Teixeira; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5199720685281720; Saddi, Fabiana da Cunha; Okado, Lukas Toshiaki Archangelo; Filgueiras, Fernando de Barros
The arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic challenged political authorities, public agencies and citizens. In the area of health policy, the ability to respond to the crisis involved the ability to manage health units, state capacity and the performance of street-level bureaucrats. This work aims to understand how complex processes of formulation and implementation of public policies and state capacities may have impacted the level of learning of the public policy to combat COVID-19 between the two waves of the pandemic, in a hospital unit governed by the Social Health Organization – OSS -, in Goiânia/Goiás. Surveys were carried out with: the managers of the Association for Management, Innovation and Health Results – AGIR (managing entity of the co-participating units in the research), the Hospital de Urgências Governador Otávio Lage de Siqueira – HUGOL, and the Hospital de Campanha to face the COVID-19 – HCAMP; to the frontline professionals who work at HUGOL; and members of the State Health Council. The quantitative descriptive and qualitative methods (thematic and exploratory analysis) were adopted in the data analysis. A bibliographic review was also carried out on topics related to public policies, state capacities and learning. The result of the thematic analysis shows, for example, that during the implementation, the participation of the actors took place with involvement, often in training/capacity building and with the engagement of frontline professionals in patient care actions and clarifications to the population about the COVID-19 (ways of prevention). It was also verified that the state capacities – resources, abilities and competences of the State that are mobilized for the production of public policies – were carried out, for example, with the participation of the involved actors integrating Commissions of the COE - Center of Emergency Operations in Health (organizational structure that aims to promote a coordinated response through the articulation and integration of the actors involved) and editing of normative acts. Learning, on the other hand, occurred quickly, reinvented, resilient and in the midst of “overcrowding”. The issues that appeared in the thematic analysis also show that there is a relationship between public policy processes - formulation and implementation, state capacities and learning. This relationship shows that the policy formulation/implementation process is sustained by state capacities, despite implementation challenges and critical capacities for some factors. Among the implementation challenges are: illness (physical and psychological) of the team and work overload, fear of contagion of the disease, and critical state capacities (deficient number of professionals, insufficient structure and lack of inputs). Both capacity and policy processes positively influence the learning process. This, however, does not occur uniformly among the actors, as it was classified as: “natural”, “difficult” and “resilient”. Despite the implementation challenges, critical abilities and varied learning, it is concluded that there was a level of learning that positively impacted the policy and this is associated with the existence of a State capacity to maintain professionalized bureaucracies and expand channels of inclusion, interlocution and negotiation with the various actors involved in public policy.
Como circulam as elites políticas: uma análise sobre a seleção partidária de candidaturas ao executivo da capital goiana
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017-04-06) Silva, Nayara Moreira Lacerda da; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0144446693015854; Ferreira, Denise Paiva; Braga, Maria do Socorro Souza; Lameirão, Camila Romero
Political-party elites are one of the most pertinent objects of study in Political Science. The composition of the political classes and the functioning of party organizations were and continue to be systematically analyzed by scholars who seek to contribute to the development of the area. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note the existence of very imprecise aspects when issues related to the formation of political elites and the exercise of intraparty activities are addressed. By accepting the party statutes as possible explanatory variables of the candidature selection processes, the main objective of this dissertation was to verify to what extent the norms defined by the statutory documents are reflected in the profiles of the candidates that are, in fact, selected. To that end, the adopted cut turned to the nominations to compete for the position of mayor in the city of Goiânia in the municipal elections of the year 2016. Methodologically, the analysis was organized as a case study and was based on the structure proposed by Hazan and Rahat (2001; 2006), which listed some criteria of inclusiveness about the selection of candidates perceived from aspects present in the party's own statutes. In addition, candidates profiles were observed based on information provided by the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Thus, data collection and analysis allowed us to state that, without disregarding sociocultural factors and local political dynamics, statutory norms can be considered as one of the dimensions capable of influencing the results of candidature selection processes.
Complexos agroindustriais e sua influência na Farm Bill de 2014
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-03-22) Rodrigues, Isabela Almeida; Thomaz, Laís Forti; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1130657650061867; Thomaz, Laís Forti; Okado, Lucas Toshiaki Archangelo; Lopes, Rafael Bittencourt Rodrigues
This work investigates the ethanol lobby on the American agricultural law, the Farm Bill, of 2014. The formation of the ethanol agro-industrial complex usually engages in the construction of arrangements between actors according to the best combination that helps them achieve their interests in agricultural laws. The role of the State is fundamental in this conformation: it is in its interest that the Farm Bills are perpetuated, as these laws help in the economic maintenance of the country. This situation occurs in a specific context that allows for re-election, international trade and lobbying. It is in this scenario that the influence of certain agents on public policies occurs. Thus, the objective is to understand the formulation of the 2014 Farm Bill, in addition to the aspects that influence its votes and how financing contributes to politicians continuing to vote in favor of these laws. To achieve this, in the research we will use the process-tracing method explaining outcome PT. The hypothesis is that the ethanol agro-industrial complex, through lobbying among actors interested in maintaining Farm Bills, influenced the formation of the 2014 law's agenda. As a result, it was possible to debate the theories used, in addition to collecting data regarding the law, and analyze the viability of the hypothesis. Finally, we conclude that there is interaction between different actors, in accordance with the hypotheses of the Advocacy Coalition Framework and the Agroindustrial Complex theory, which guided the agenda and approval of the 2014 Farm Bill
A constitucionalização da plurinacionalidade como condição para o desenvolvimento das autonomias políticas na Bolívia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-03-13) Ribeiro, Andrey Borges Pimentel; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; http://buscatextual.cnpq.br/buscatextual/visualizacv.do?id=K4700343H8; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Ávila, Carlos Federico Domingues
The current research aims to analyse the relation between the plurinationality institutionalized in the 2009 Bolivian Constitution and the politics for developing autonomy in that country. The main problem of this study is resumed in the following question: in which way the 2009 Bolivian Constitution allows the developing of autonomy in the country? The methodology used in this work starts at the positive hypotheses that the plurinationality institutionalized in the 2009 Bolivian Constitution is a necessary condition to obtain the politic autonomy in the country, that's the reason why this research adopts a case study as a method to verify the casual relation in Bolivia's scenary. The methodology-theory which directs the research is the new institutionalism in a meaning which takes in consideration the fundamental elements of that theory, observing the Constitutional State, the conflicts and cooperation. As the study remains the State in Latin America, the research points three methodological precautions: the difficulty of studying the State, the concept of Latin America in the range of the work and the concept of coloniality of the power. About the data, the research works on institutional issues since the historical point of view, considering the origins of the institutions in the social and political context, including the 2009 Bolivian Constitution and its purpose of developing the autonomy even in its institutional foundation. For that, the research includes in the first chapter the concept of Plurinational State of Bolivia, which is proposed considering the plote of the Constitutional State, the Latin-American constitutionalism and the very beggining of the Nation-State over plurinationality. The second chapter makes a historical reconstruction of autonomies in Bolivian constitucionalism, especially its material aspect, once the constitutionalism of the country explained in the work is highlighted for excluding indigenous people from political participation, however, the perspective of 2009 Bolivian Constitution is to maintain an institutional structure better adjusted of their reality, opening space for developing autonomies in the country. Finally, the third and last chapter takes in consideration the Plurinational Bolivian State since the 2009 Constitution as a casual condition to the autonomy developing, observing that from the present Constitution started a political process of consummation of the historical claim for autonomy, not only for the indigenous ones, but the departmentals, regionals and municipals. So, this last chapter sets up a way of how the 2009 Constitution has been stablished in the country for autonomies, and its real condition, specially in what takes the legislative output related to this theme and to the situation of indigenous origins peasant autonomy.
A constitucionalização da questão nuclear no Brasil
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018-06-26) Esteves, Ricardo Lopes; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Lameirão, Camila Romero; Dantas, Fernando Antônio de Carvalho
Faced with the civil and military ambivalence of nuclear energy, its use by various international actors has become synonymous not only with development tools, but also with mistrust and global danger. In this context, Brazil had appeared to be a threat to international security, for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968, and for having a nuclear program that sought to achieve full control of its fuel cycle since 1953. This work aims to understand how the nuclear issue became a matter included in the 1988 Constitution, taking into account the different actors involved in this process, their performance and the interests that guided the acceptance or non-acceptance of the Brazilian nuclear program . The debate about the use of this technology reaches nuances that go beyond simple ideological and party questions, crossing a pretended "national interest", placed in a spectrum that can be understood from the Brazilian demand for technological capacity restricted to a club of powers until the possibility of imposing itself as a military agent with greater military power. Being placed as a sine qua non condition for the chance of Brazil to project itself as an influential country in the international system, the decision-making process regarding the acceptance of this type of energy in the 1988 Constitution runs through a complex international context. Thus, it is intended to contribute with the studies about the Brazilian nuclear program in the context of redemocratization. The work is based on the analysis of primary sources and the rich literature on the Brazilian nuclear program, on legislative behavior and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. As a conclusion, the thesis hypothesizes that the nuclear imaginary was an element belonging to the State project that was proposed in the 1987/1988 Constituent, considering Brazil as a nation that should be independent and technologically advanced compared to other countries.
A cooperação frustrada no âmbito nuclear entre Brasil e Índia (1996-1998)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-03-22) Motta, André Luiz Cançado; Patti, Carlo; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5828258601090620; Patti, Carlo; Wrobel, Paulo Sergio; Franco, Geisa Cunha; Lessa, Antônio Carlos Moraes
Between 1996 and 1998, Brazil and India tried to sign a nuclear agreement. For different reasons, the attempt failed mainly on the Brazilian side. This research intends to demonstrate that there is a common causal element in this: international North American pressures and a change in the political orientation of the Brazilian government, which despite the decision to sign a nuclear agreement with India, did not proceed with it. The cooperation attempt took place in the following context: Brazil and India were not signatories of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) until 1998. They began nuclear technology transfer commitments after signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the National Nuclear Energy Commission (CNEN) and the Department of Atomic Energy of India (DAE) in January 1996. In July of the same year, an additional protocol is also signed, known as the São Paulo Protocol, a document that lists dual- purpose (which can be used for peaceful or military purposes) and non-dual technologies to be explored as the initial development of the agreement between the parties. The research is based on the theoretical framework of autonomy and (in)dependence in foreign policy decisions. A qualitative methodology is used, supported by the use of process tracing, in which research will be carried out on documents, semi-structured interviews, and literature review, correlating them to the case study of the aforementioned cooperation. The hypothesis is that the information contained in these sources will demonstrate that Brazil was persuaded to continue its cooperation with India. Thus, the results obtained were as follows: i) the MoU was seen as an attempt to exercise a certain degree of autonomy with the conduct of Brazilian nuclear policy, even though the country was entering a phase of unprecedented adherence to the NPT, and its denunciation (rupture) in 1998, was not consensually accepted; ii) the agreement with India was strategic to reactivate research regarding the use of thorium as nuclear fuel in Brazil; iii) the agreement had the potential to promote the technical and scientific nuclear development of Brazil and India, aiming at the industrial and commercial creation of fuels for thorium and uranium-233-fueled PWR reactors; iv) the United States pressured Brazil with the objective of impeding the agreement.
Corpo marginal: o processo de inclusão social nas políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Secretaria Municipal de Esporte e Lazer, no município de Goiânia, entre 1997 e 2013
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-07-03) Parreira, Fernanda Ramos; Borges, Pedro Célio Alves; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7554830885023925
This dissertation takes as its object of study the public policy of sport and leisure, particularly public policy of sport and leisure developed by the municipal administration of the city of Goiania from the period of creation of the Municipal Sports and Leisure in 1997, up the year 2013. Through case study of the Program "Caminhando com Saúde" can be observed in the socio-political configuration of the field of sport and leisure in goianiense context, and understand its relation with the social inclusion process. This study is inspired by the Bourdieu studies of, in particular in the field theory to understand the dynamics of institutionalization of certain types of public policy for the field of sport and leisure, coupled with the theory of the public policy process, the model in question coalition of advocacy framework developed by Sabatier and Weible, which argues that the process of construction of public policy is linked to beliefs, values and ideas of actors involved in the dispute by the type of policy to be implemented. Moreover, the work converses with specific theories in the area of sport and leisure seeking to understand the phenomenon of sports and leisure practices associated with social and political configuration of contemporary society and for that, returns to the studies of Norbert Elias, regarding the theory of process civilization, to understand sociogenesis sport and leisure and its influence in shaping modern Western society. About the research methodological process was based on the qualitative approach and exploratory. Was used as the methods and techniques to document analysis, direct observation and content analysis. The application of interviews with the actors involved was held to "Caminhando com Saúde" program, users, physical education professionals and public administrator. Results showed that limitations concern public policies of sport and leisure in the city of Goiânia resulting from various factors, such as the low budget allocated to institutional folder, low interest authorizing body to foster and improve the implemented programs and nonparticipation of technical and community body in the design, implementation and mainly reviewed the policies implemented by SEMEL.
A crise internacional de 2008 e a integração regional: os efeitos e as estratégias adotadas no Mercosul e na União Europeia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014-08-02) Almeida Filho, Marcelo Marques de; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5318293368816272; Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso; Durães, Telma Ferreira do Nascimento; Pietrafesa, Pedro Araújo; Lucena, Andréa Freire de
This study aims to analyze the impacts of the economic crisis of 2008 in the MERCOSUR and the EU until 2013 and set out the main economic strategies adopted by the two integration schemes to combat the crisis. The effects and strategies adopted by South Americans Brazil and Argentina and Europeans Germany and Greece will also be assessed, as the decisions are not unanimous in the processes and each country has sought different solutions internally, changing the reflects of the crisis according to the case. The study will weave an overview about what are the international economic crisis and how they affect integration schemes. Considering that international regimes and studies on cooperation influence the integration, the analysis of these fit into explanations of what are international economic crises. The hypothesis is that MERCOSUR and EU retract as the main effect of the economic crisis of 2008, fitting with the theoretic expectation that integration processes reduces economic transactions and limit political retract and institutional agreements in times of during economic crises. Meanwhile, the reaction of the two largest economies of MERCOSUR and the process as a whole is contradictory, as Argentina and Brazil rose protectionism among them, at the same time that the scheme has worked to include more members and open up new consumer markets. In the EU, nor the countries were able to reach a consensus on anti-crisis measures and, therefore, the recession persists. Aiming to test the hypotheses, the study use a qualitative methodology of analysis and promote a historical reconstitution of the formation of the integration processes and the relationships between them. In theoretical terms, both neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism provide contributions to identify patterns of behavior adopted by the two schemes in relation to crises.
A decisão racional dos governantes pelos (des)cumprimento das soluções no âmbito da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos em face dos custos presumidos de implementação
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018-03-15) Costa, Adriano Sousa; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Mundim, Pedro Santos; Ribeiro, Pedro Feliú; Patti, Carlo
This research was anchored in the categorization of public policy tools (based on the Inter-American NATO model), which comprised the recommendations and agreements contained in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) case follow-up report, year 2017. Based on the assumption that the governors analyze the costs and benefits before implementing these tools, it was sought to investigate whether the total solutions compliance rate was linked to variables relevant to the present research, namely: the form of solution , the formal complexity of design, the form of state and the political regime degree of freedom. The aforementioned variables would function as informational shortcuts for the present research, in order to indicate the presumed costs of the governor (institutional, economic, political and legal costs). Finally, the first hypothesis tested relates to the relation between the solutions of less complex cases (in relation to the number of tools that compose the design) and whether they would be more fully compliant and whether the medium or high complexity ones would actually have increased chances of being partially fulfilled or even unfulfilled. Another hypothesis tested relates to the demand form of solution (friendly or meritorious), since it was assumed that a case amicably solved could have a greater propensity to comply. The third hypothesis concerned the greater or lesser propensity of federated / unitary countries for full compliance with the solutions. Finally, the last hypothesis referred to the hypothetical aptitude of the countries (categorized and divided in face of their freedom degree )to the total fulfillment of the solutions. In order to arrive at the desired conclusions, a multinomial logistic model was constructed, promoting the crossing of such data, which seemed apt to the arrival of conclusions about the relations existing between the aforementioned dependent variables investigated and the total compliance solution rate.

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