Mestrado em Direitos Humanos (PRPG)

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    Direitos humanos contra os direitos humanos: a contestação constitucional da educação brasileira por agentes políticos no Brasil contemporâneo
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-08-30) Ribeiro, Lara de Paula; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Castro, Rita de Cássia Marques Lima de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8123876733903231; Lima, Paula Gabriela Mendes; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1339419272418851; Machado, Vilma de Fátima; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6256319627760082
    Embargado.
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    Migrações forçadas e integração: interculturalidade crítica e narrativas de venezuelanos na região metropolitana de Goiânia
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-05-05) Pires, Susana de Miranda; Leitao, Rosani Moreira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1983245441436723; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1358433023080116; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Leitão, Rosani Moreira; Macedo Filha, Maurides Batista De; Carneiro, Cynthia Soares
    In recent years there has been an intensification of forced migration flows marked by prolonged displacement and persistent challenges. Faced with this scenario, it is essential to reflect on strategies that guarantee protection and support for people in situations of refuge. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) proposes three durable solutions: voluntary repatriation, resettlement and local integration. In this research, the focus is on analysing the process of integration of forced migrants in the host country, considering the difficulties and limitations of current practices. To this end, I have adopted the perspective of critical/decolonial interculturality, which prioritises horizontal relationships and the recognition of voices that are often silenced. The central aim is to rethink the concept of integration in the light of this theoretical approach and the narratives of Venezuelan forced migrants living in the metropolitan region of Goiânia, as well as professionals working in this area. The research, which is qualitative and interdisciplinary, combines a bibliographical and documentary review with the analysis of semi-structured interviews. To process the data, I used thematic content analysis, creating categories based on the interviewees' statements, which were then organised into four axes: a) Perspectives on arriving in Brazil and the challenges of adaptation; b) Support Networks; c) Barriers and Difficulties; and d) Different Perceptions of Integration. The results indicate that the current model of integration is close to the notion of functional interculturality, characterised by superficial actions that create an apparent inclusion without breaking with the colonial, neoliberal and Western structures that shape migration policies. In contrast, integration from the perspective of critical interculturality is not limited to immediate responses; it requires recognising migrants as active subjects, guaranteeing not only their legal and economic integration, but also their full development within the host community. Integration must go beyond individual adaptation and promote a joint transformation of the shared reality.
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    Relações Inter-Raciais no Serviço de Acolhimento em Família Acolhedora do Distrito Federal
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-04-09) Miranda, Marcela Ferreira Souza de; Cavalcante, Jéssica Painkow Rosa; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4024280261959707; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Cavalcante, Jéssica Painkow Rosa; Barbosa, Ivone Garcia; Carvalho, Thaís Regina de
    The foster family care is a public policy aimed at providing temporary shelter for children and adolescents who have been removed from their families due to a serious threat or violation of rights. It is a service executed within the framework of the Unified Social Assistance System (Sistema Único de Assistência Social - SUAS), involving families that are selected and trained by a technical team to provide care for children and adolescents under protective measures. The research analyzed the interracial relations that permeate the foster family care in the Federal District, investigating how the foster families, with the technical team support, deal with doubts and conflicts that may arise due to racial differences between family members and the fostered child or adolescent. The research process included a literature review on child and adolescent foster care, racism, and the construction of black identity, and data collection was conducted at Aconchego, the institution responsible for the execution of the foster family care in the Federal District. The research at Aconchegp involved gathering racial profile data of the children and adolescents in foster care and the foster families through heteroidentification committees, as well as conducting semi-structured interviews with service participants and analyzing workflow processes. The data collected were analyzed using a qualitative approach, and the interview transcripts were examined based on Bardin's Content Analysis methodology (2002). As a result, it was found that 60% of the children in foster care were negro, 36% of whom were black, while only 31% of the caregivers of the foster families were negro, 12% of whom were black. The technical team at Aconchego was also mostly white. This result confirms the historical asymmetries between white and black people in Brazil, demonstrating that in foster care services, black people also occupy positions of greater vulnerability, while white people remain in positions of privilege, even when playing a role of care and protection. In the interviews with the foster families, a general lack of resources and knowledge was observed to deal with situations of racism experienced by the children, as well as to assist them in their process of constructing their racial identity. On the other hand, in the interviews conducted with the technical team, a good level of critical racial literacy was observed.
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    Revisão do Plano Diretor de Goiânia, 2017-2022: Uma análise na perspectiva da gestão democrática e do direito à cidade
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-06-05) Côrtes, Tiago Martins; Corrêa , Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8128417861243933; Corrêa , Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; Camargos , Wladimyr Vinycius de Moraes; Mendonça , Marcelo Rodrigues
    This research explores the complex relationship between the human right to the city and democratic management in the city of Goiânia. A historical review of the urbanization process reveals that contemporary cities, shaped by the logic of capitalism, function as centers of production and consumption, where the commodification of urban space perpetuates social inequalities, concentrating wealth and power in certain areas while marginalizing and excluding others. From this perspective, the study discusses the impacts of capitalism on Brazilian urban development, highlighting how urbanization intensifies social and spatial inequalities. The concept of the right to the city, based on the principles of Henri Lefebvre, is central to this research, emphasizing the need for equity in access to public goods and services, especially for marginalized individuals. In Brazil, urban legislation, founded on the principles of the 1988 Federal Constitution, recognizes the Master Plan as the primary instrument for urban planning and for promoting the social function of the city and property. Democratic management is emphasized as a fundamental principle and a requirement for the validity of the laws establishing master plans, as provided for in the City Statute. The effectiveness of this principle was put to the test during the revision process of Goiânia’s Master Plan, initiated in 2017 and concluded in 2022, which was subject to various criticisms and legal challenges regarding transparency and the exclusion of civil society segments from public hearings. Additionally, several changes introduced in the new version of the Master Plan were found to contradict public interests while favoring corporate and real estate market interests, deepening the tension between collective objectives and economic pressures. Using historical-dialectical materialism as the primary theoretical framework to understand the class struggle shaping urban space, this research aims to analyze the revision process of Goiânia’s Master Plan (2017–2022) from the perspective of democratic management and the right to the city.
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    Sem documentos eu não ninguém: escrevivência sobre minha experiência com migrantes indocumentados assistidos pela Cátedra Sérgio Vieira de Mello da Universidade Federal de Goiás
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-12-02) Pereira, Rafaela Garcia Lopes; Silva, Elson Santos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1655651832997085; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8838030644558019; Joo; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Pinto , Alexandre Albuquerque; Silva, Elson Santos
    Documentation is a fundamental instrument of legal and social recognition, essential for accessing rights and services. For migrants, the lack of documentation imposes significant barriers, restricts access to essential resources, and exposes them to conditions of vulnerability. Over the past two years, during my volunteer work at the Sérgio Vieira de Mello Chair (CSVM) at the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), from 2022 to 2024, I observed that the pursuit of legal documentation is one of the primary demands in the services provided. In light of this scenario, this research aims to examine the role of the CSVM/UFG, particularly regarding the process of legal documentation for migrants in irregular situations. The study is structured around three specific objectives. The first is to provide an overview of current migration dynamics, which serves as a foundation for discussions on asylum and the situation of undocumented migrants. The second objective is to analyze the contribution of the CSVM, assessing its performance and visibility in both academic and institutional contexts. Finally, the third objective is to investigate the obstacles hindering the implementation of CSVM/UFG's actions, highlighting the operational and institutional limitations of the agreement. Adopting a qualitative approach, the study combined theoretical review and empirical research. Focus groups were conducted with volunteers and interns, along with interviews with managers of the UFG Chair. These data, together with insights generated through escrevivência — employed as a powerful reflective methodology during my volunteer work at CSVM/UFG, in the Legal Practice Center (NPJ) — underscore the significance of this space as an environment of care and transformation, despite its limited reach. In addition to the slow pace of the documentation regularization process, the inefficiency of the services responsible for its execution also stands out, contributing to a broader scenario marked by institutional challenges and the fragility of specific public policies in the state of Goiás. In conclusion, this study proposes practical strategies to enhance the effectiveness of current efforts, with particular emphasis on reducing bureaucratic barriers in documentation procedures.
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    “A trans que tá na esquina pelada com droga, tá pedindo socorro. você sabia disso?”
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-04-07) Oliveira, Kássia Cristiany Silva; Machado, Maria Izabel; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5727858375243141; Machado, Maria Izabel; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5727858375243141; Lima Filho, Manuel Ferreira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9114125597206149; Ferreira, Maria Meire de Carvalho; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8431792352327585
    This ethnographically inspired dissertation investigates the life trajectory of ASTRAL (Association of Travestis, Transsexuals, and Transgender People of Goiás) and its President, Beth Fernandes, to understand how the NGO works in the development of public policies aimed at securing rights for transgender and travesti individuals in the State of Goiás, Brazil. The research follows ASTRAL-Goiás’s activities and the journey of its president, exploring how the organization provides daily support to trans women and travestis both inside and outside the prison system. The study addresses the life paths of the institution and its leader, street work involving information and prevention efforts regarding HIV/AIDS, the distribution of food baskets and hygiene items, as well as the care provided to incarcerated trans women and the challenges they face in social reintegration. The primary analytical category is the body — a body that feels, suffers, resists, and arms itself against oppression and necropolitics. The research also examines the precariousness of the prison system in providing basic conditions of dignity, such as access to healthcare, hygiene, education, and employment opportunities for this population, along with ASTRAL’s and Beth Fernandes’s efforts to secure better conditions for serving sentences. The methodology adopted was life history, through recorded interviews and field diaries. Data collection was conducted by accompanying the NGO’s daily activities and through Beth’s narratives, allowing a deep analysis of the strategies of resistance and survival employed by these women. The lack of effective public policies reinforces the conditions of subalternity imposed on bodies that subvert the binary gender order. However, the work of organizations like ASTRAL is crucial for mediating this process, providing legal, psychological, and material support. The research underscores the need to rethink prison policies for trans and travesti individuals, ensuring dignity and citizenship for this population. This study contributes to the debate on the intersectionality of gender, incarceration, and social exclusion, offering a critical analysis of the relationship between necrobiopower and dissident bodies.
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    Diálogos entre Marx e as teorias feministas sobre democracia e a fronteira entre público e privado
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-04-04) Oliveira, Luciana Rodrigues de; Lima, Paula Gabriela Mendes; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1339419272418851; Lima, Paula Gabriela Mendes; Pereira, Geraldo Adriano Emery; Reis, Helena Esser dos
    This dissertation seeks to examine women as political subjects within modern democracy, based on a critique of the separation between the public and private spheres, found at the intersection of Karl Marx’s political theory and feminist theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that, considering the theoretical and empirical analyses presented in this study, structural inequalities manifest in ways that lead to the political exclusion of women, a process reinforced by the ways in which the relationship between public and private still shapes institutional spaces. The research is grounded in the conceptual premise that Brazilian democracy remains incomplete as long as it fails to ensure the effective political participation of women and that this exclusion cannot be fully understood without considering the interplay between capitalism, patriarchy, and structural racism. To support this argument, the dissertation engages with Karl Marx’s political thought, particularly his conceptions of the state, democracy, and human emancipation, as well as with Claude Lefort’s theory, which analyzes the disincorporation of power and the limits of representative democracy. Furthermore, the study highlights how the democratic system, as it is currently structured, reproduces historical inequalities and does not fully align with Marx’s vision of human emancipation. This critique is expanded through Nancy Fraser’s proposals regarding the limitations of formal democracy, particularly her advocacy for gender equity within the post-industrial welfare state through the universal care model. The theoretical research in this dissertation is complemented by an empirical investigation that provides practical grounding. To this end, the study presents qualitative analyses of semi-structured interviews conducted as part of the *De Olho nas Urnas* ("Keeping an Eye on the Ballot") project, carried out by the Federal University of Goiás in partnership with the National Observatory on Women in Politics. This project investigated the experiences of women candidates and elected officials in Brazil. The findings reveal that, despite legislative advancements, women continue to face structural violence that limits their role as political subjects in the public sphere, reflecting the barriers reinforced by the public-private divide. This research concludes that, beyond electoral quotas, it is essential to redefine this separation, and the state must adopt policies that ensure the redistribution of reproductive labor, the strengthening of support networks, and the implementation of seat quotas in parliament to guarantee a more just and equitable democracy. The investigations carried out in this dissertation reaffirm that articulating classical political theory, feminist theory, and the practical experience of women’s political participation in Brazil is fundamental for this redefinition and contributes to the broader debate on democratic inclusion and transformation.
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    Vozes-Mulheres: Representatividade de gênero nos cargos de Reitoria, Vice-Reitoria e Pró-Reitorias da Universidade Federal de Goiás
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-03-06) Oliveira, Kenny Stephanny Souza; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8826668985459839; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; Dias, Luciana Oliveira; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; Ribeiro, Maria do Espírito Santo Rosa Cavalcante
    The dissertation analyzes the presence of women in the positions of rectory, vice-rector and pro-rectors at the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), exploring power dynamics, inequalities and discrimination based on gender and race. Using a decolonial approach, in the research, approved by the UFG Ethics and Research Committee, the three women who occupied the rectory were interviewed: professor Maria do Rosário Cassimiro who held the position from 1982 to 1986, professor Milca Severino Pereira who held the chair of rector in two consecutive terms from 1998 to 2006 and the current rector of the University, professor Angelita Pereira de Lima, who took office in 2022. The interdisciplinary and decolonial study carried out revealed the underrepresentation of gender in higher-ranking positions at UFG, highlighting complex dynamics of gender and race in its institutional history, in light of the coloniality of power. The detailed analysis of the Pro-Rectories, Vice-Rectories and Rectory highlights the representation of women, with only 20% of the 15 people who occupied the rectory. In Pro-Rectors, the average representation of women is 40.68%, reflecting advances and persistent challenges. The intersectionality revealed in the data analysis highlights the inequalities faced by black women at UFG over time, with their non-existence in the rectory and almost absence in pro-rectors and secretariats, confirming the patriarchal, racist and colonial structure of power. The lack of representation of women, combined with external interventions and turbulent political contexts, highlights the direct influence of national circumstances on university autonomy, highlighting the need for approaches that decolonize power structures. The predominance of men in leadership compromises not only gender equality, but also the democratic essence of academia, drawing attention to the urgency of actions that promote gender and racial equity in university management within the current evident context of coloniality of power .
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    Nem presa, nem morta e que sea ley! a (des)criminalização do aborto no Brasil e na Argentina (2018-2020)
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-12-16) Dirino, Ana Karoline; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8826668985459839; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8838030644558019; Joo, Carlos Ugo Santander; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; Rampin, Talita Tatiana Dias; Costa, Carmem Lúcia
    El aborto era un delito en la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos hasta la primera década del siglo XXI, un escenario que comienza a cambiar a partir del año 2018 con el aumento de las protestas que se ganaron el nombre de "marea verde". Expuesto esto, esta investigación analiza dos países de la región, Argentina y Brasil, tomando como fuente principal los documentos de los proyectos de ley de sus cámaras legislativas, y los de las publicaciones en las redes sociales, en el período inmediatamente anterior a la legalización en Argentina, entre 2018 y 2020. El objetivo es verificar el contenido de los proyectos de ley y las publicaciones, así como la ideología política vinculada a cada uno de ellos. Busca entender por qué no se despenalizó el aborto en Brasil, incluso después del reconocimiento de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos, y por qué se despenalizó y legalizó en Argentina? Para ello, se analizaron de forma comparativa las posiciones sobre la (des)criminalización, los temas abordados y la relación con los derechos reproductivos en los proyectos de ley. Se analizaron los documentos de los movimientos feministas por la legalización del aborto y los de las publicaciones sobre el aborto de mayor impacto en la plataforma Facebook (Meta) entre 2018 y 2020. La investigación indica que el aborto en Brasil ha sido utilizado como una herramienta de movilización para los intereses políticos de la extrema derecha, y aglutinador ideológico para otras agendas, mucho menos que una cuestión de salud pública, a veces utilizando los derechos humanos y los derechos reproductivos como argumento. En las posturas que se oponen a la legalización del aborto y las que están a favor de nuevas medidas punitivas y de control, las mujeres no son tratadas como sujetos. Las mujeres negras no aparecen como sujetos, ni siquiera en las propuestas de educación sexual y salud reproductiva. La presencia expresiva de la derecha ha hecho inviables las propuestas de despenalización en Brasil, y la izquierda ha actuado de forma reactiva y contestataria a los intentos de revertir el aborto legal, de forma opuesta a lo que ocurre en Argentina. Se encontró evidencia de una mayor entrega, por facebook, de posts en contra de la legalización del aborto, muchos de ellos posteados por actores políticos, con una relevancia de los jefes del ejecutivo nacional en la agenda.
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    Assédio Moral No Ambiente Acadêmico: Uma Análise Crítica Interseccional e Discursiva
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-02-24) Silva, Rogéria Francisca; Cavalcante, Jéssica Painkow Rosa; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4024280261959707; Macedo Filha, Maurides Batista De; https://lattes. cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Carvalho, Silzia Alves; Ferreira, Fernanda Busanello; Roa, Andrea Olmos
    La disertación tuvo como objetivo identificar cómo se configuran situaciones de acoso moral en la Universidad Federal de Goiás (UFG), utilizando la lente de la Interseccionalidad para analizar las relaciones de poder, las cuestiones de género, raza y clase insertas en ese contexto. Buscamos identificar el uso de medidas no retributivas y punitivas para atender casos de acoso moral, en paralelo a la actividad penitenciaria en la UFG. La investigación se basó en el análisis de manifestaciones cuyo tema es el acoso moral, registradas en la Defensoría del Pueblo de la UFG entre el 1 de enero de 2022 y el 31 de diciembre de 2023. La relevancia académica y social del estudio está vinculada al potencial de violencia. presente en situaciones de acoso moral en Instituciones Federales de Educación Superior en Brasil. La Defensoría del Pueblo registró 151 denuncias de acoso moral entre 2018 y 2022, destacando la importancia de explorar este tema. El problema de investigación fue cómo se configura el acoso moral en la UFG, y cuál es el perfil de los involucrados, si existe discriminación por género, raza y clase, la existencia y potencial de medidas no retributivas y punitivas para promover el cambio social. El marco teórico utilizado incluyó a autores como Marie France Hirigoyen (2015; 2022), Warat (1984; 1998; 2001; 2004) y Lélia González (2020). La metodología adoptada involucró el Análisis Crítico del Discurso y el enfoque dialéctico-relacional de Norman Fairclough. El corpus de investigación consistió inicialmente en manifestaciones cuyo tema es el acoso moral, registradas en la Defensoría del Pueblo de la UFG y posteriormente en la identificación de formas no retributivas y punitivas para enfrentar esa situación de violencia.
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    Assédio moral no ambiente acadêmico: uma análise crítica interseccional e discursiva
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-02-24) Silva, Rogéria Francisca; Cavalcante, Jéssica Painkow Rosa; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4024280261959707; Macedo Filha, Maurides Batista de; https://lattes. cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macedo Filha , Maurides Batista de; Cavalcante, Jéssica Painkow Rosa; Carvalho, Silzia Alves; Ferreira, Fernanda Busanello; Roa, Andrea Olmos
    La disertación tuvo como objetivo identificar cómo se configuran situaciones de acoso moral en la Universidad Federal de Goiás (UFG), utilizando la lente de la Interseccionalidad para analizar las relaciones de poder, las cuestiones de género, raza y clase insertas en ese contexto. Buscamos identificar el uso de medidas no retributivas y punitivas para atender casos de acoso moral, en paralelo a la actividad penitenciaria en la UFG. La investigación se basó en el análisis de manifestaciones cuyo tema es el acoso moral, registradas en la Defensoría del Pueblo de la UFG entre el 1 de enero de 2022 y el 31 de diciembre de 2023. La relevancia académica y social del estudio está vinculada al potencial de violencia. presente en situaciones de acoso moral en Instituciones Federales de Educación Superior en Brasil. La Defensoría del Pueblo registró 151 denuncias de acoso moral entre 2018 y 2022, destacando la importancia de explorar este tema. El problema de investigación fue cómo se configura el acoso moral en la UFG, y cuál es el perfil de los involucrados, si existe discriminación por género, raza y clase, la existencia y potencial de medidas no retributivas y punitivas para promover el cambio social. El marco teórico utilizado incluyó a autores como Marie France Hirigoyen (2015; 2022), Warat (1984; 1998; 2001; 2004) y Lélia González (2020). La metodología adoptada involucró el Análisis Crítico del Discurso y el enfoque dialéctico-relacional de Norman Fairclough. El corpus de investigación consistió inicialmente en manifestaciones cuyo tema es el acoso moral, registradas en la Defensoría del Pueblo de la UFG y posteriormente en la identificación de formas no retributivas y punitivas para enfrentar esa situación de violencia.
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    Noções de cultura ou conceitos de culturas: uma análise das políticas públicas culturais a partir dos projetos aprovados pela Lei Rouanet nos anos de 2019 e 2023
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-02-27) Fleury, Nélia Mara; ; ; Franco, Thiago Cardoso; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7735628705551412; Franco, Thiago Cardoso; Pereira, Eliete da Silva; Oliveira, Tiago Mainieri de; Silva, Elson Santos
    The research investigates the concepts of cultures attributed by the state, based on the policy of public tax incentive present in the Rouanet Law. To this end, using qualitative and quantitative approaches, specifically content and text analysis, the aim was to investigate the extent to which the possible concepts of cultures adopted by the Brazilian state in the projects approved by the Rouanet Law between July and December of 2019 and 2023 take human rights into account. The dissertation, in view of its subject, which deals with the diversity of concepts of culture adopted by the Brazilian state through the Rouanet Law, provides an overview of this public tax incentive policy. As a result of the investigation, based on a stratified sample of 708 (seven hundred and eight) projects, and the help of Atlas.ti, it was identified that the state tends to prioritize projects that: (i) are proposed by business entities; (ii) have content focused on the performing of arts and music; (iii) have cultural actions focused on the southeast of the country. In dialogue with the cultural studies addressed in this research, the dominance of Westernized and hegemonic cultural concepts, with the consequent selectivity of cultural identities contemplated by the projects, were noted. Thus, the recurrence of certain cultural concepts in relation to others goes against the cultural diversity that makes up human rights, indicating that alternatives to the current cultural public policy, the Rouanet Law, are necessary.
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    Educação escolar quilombola “alumiada” pelos direitos humanos: um estudo interdisciplinar da aplicabilidade do Parecer CNE/CEB n° 16/2012
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-04-05) Silva, Sarah Fogaça; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9317426815646934; Dias , Luciana de Oliveira; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; Dias , Luciene de Oliveira; Silva, Elson Santos
    This dissertation had as its thematic focus quilombola school education and its deep relationship with the community, territory, memory, tradition, in the production and dissemination of their knowledge, and the analysis of how this can and should be a tool for emancipation, struggle for rights and confronting racism and everyday decriminalization. As legal support, it was anchored mainly in the Magna Carta, Constitution of 1988, as well as Law No. 10639 (2003), National Curricular Guidelines for Quilombola School Education (2012) and in Opinion CNE/CEB n 16/2012. Given the already evident realities of marginalization of the black population, in the great economic interest given to quilombola lands, the lack of interest of hegemonic groups in elucidating the forms of domination and exploitation is evident, which justifies the immense importance of a quilombola education committed to defending and help them defend themselves. To this end, the research was guided according to the issues: what is the idea of quilombo, quilombolas and quilombamento defended in the main Brazilian references? How were they constituted historically and legally? What are the relationships of continuity and rupture between already systematized Brazilian education and quilombola school education? How can we intervene in this reality in order to guarantee human rights through access to quality education? In this sense, it aimed, in general, to analyze the communities' struggles, the recognition processes, the relevant legislation and the implementation of education that starts from the needs of the communities for quilombola communities. Specifically, in turn, it intended to historicize the concepts and meanings of quilombos, their trajectories, struggles and recognitions, to insert quilombola education into the structure of basic education and into the laws and theoretical paradigms that guide it, in Brazil, to then present , as one of the various possibilities for implementing quilombola education, the projects developed by the CONAQ National Education Collective, from training courses for quilombola teachers, to the National School for Training Quilombola Girls. Among the main results of the research, it can be pointed out that, above all, there is a great commitment to the emancipation of the quilombola population and the instrumentalization of the defenses of their territories, based on the articulation and construction of political pedagogical projects that inspire other initiatives. The actions of CONAQ, specifically, the Quilombola Lawyers Training Project and the MALALA fund allowed us to experience the “possibility”; It's exhausting work, with few resources and media recognition, but rewarding because, if the State doesn't reach the communities, these initiatives do.
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    Raízes kantianas do conceito de dignidade da pessoa humana: suas potencialidades e limites no horizonte dos Direitos Humanos e do Direito Constitucional Brasileiro
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015-09-14) Leite, Faustino Matos; Rezende, Cristiano Novaes de; Rezende, Cristiano Novaes de; Andrade, Fernando Dias; Santos Neto, Arnaldo Bastos
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    Movimento LGBTQIA+ no Estado de Goiás: análise do Processo de Entrelaçamento do Direito à Cidade como Conquista para a Consolidação dos Direitos Humanos e da Cidadania
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-02-26) Mateus, Nathalia Pacheco; Costa, Carmem Lucia; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2260768637895317; Costa, Carmem Lucia; Arbues, Margareth Pereira; Souza, Tatiana Machiavelli Carmo
    The search analyzes the articulation of social movements, in its expression related to the LGBTQIA+ Movement in the state of Goiás (2020-2022) in the light of feminist and human rights studies, with the general objective of understanding the milestones and the active contribution of the movement to the right to the city and citizenship. The theoretical and provocative conceptions of thinkers such as Henri Lefebvre, Maria da Glória Gohn, Nancy Fraser and Judith Butler constituted the essential theoretical framework. The research was essentially qualitative, making an effort to triangulate data and information, from the theoretical basis (dialectical materialism, intersectional and queer studies) to the sources (interviews, documents, documentaries and newspaper reports). The bibliographical research focused on the categories of citizenship, social movements and gender. The documentary research incorporated data on violence against the LGBTQIA+ population, human rights violations and public policies at national level. The results showed that the dynamics and histories of social movements, especially the LGBTQIA+ movement in the period in question, have the power to build a new notion of citizenship in relation to democracy, and that dissident subjects who radically resist using their affections and their bodies, beyond heteronormativity and the limitations imposed on spaces, are an essential part of the long journey towards the materialization of rights. Finally, we conclude that the LGBTQIA+ movement in the state of Goiás, through its struggle for recognition and rights in the city, is collaborating to materialize human rights and citizenship in public and private spaces, demanding legitimacy and participation as well.
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    “O crime não faz parte da minha natureza…” da criminologia crítica ao Feminismo-Marxista: vozes de mulheres presas na penitenciária feminina Consuelo Nasser
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-09-25) Rezende, Lina Martins; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8826668985459839; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; Cardoso, Franciele Silva; Miranda , Bartira Macedo de; Costa, Carmem Lúcia
    Crime and incarceration have always been specific themes of critical criminology, which encompasses various human rights violations resulting from the way in which the criminal justice system has been historically structured. The violent hegemony of state oppression, police repression and the marginalization of the subaltern classes has increased, so that women have increasingly been, in addition to being victims, perpetrators of various crimes, with and without violence, and these are the grounds that justify this work. With an approach focused on the criminal reality of these women in the capital of Goiás and based on a revolutionary Marxian and feminist vision, the research objectives were based on analyzing the voices of women prisoners under the epistemological bias of feminist critical criminology; debating the relationship between criminology, Marxist criticism and feminism and comparing the voices presented by women prisoners with the categories of analysis informed by the research, which are: domestic and family violence, racism, socioeconomic issues, criminal history, drug use, future prospects and the punitive ideal. These categories led to the following problematization: How can historical-dialectical materialism help make critical feminist criminology indivisible and include an intersectional debate based on the voices presented by women prisoners in the Consuelo Nasser Women's Penitentiary? In order to answer this question, in addition to theory, we used a methodological approach based on historical-dialectical materialism, through a review of the literature and the descriptive method, as well as procedures used in field research, such as the case study, observational and statistical methods, with a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the answers to the questionnaires applied through semi-structured questions to a sample of ten incarcerated women, definitively sentenced to a closed regime, aged between 21 and 60. The results showed that the complex situation of women in crime is problematized by the social inequality created and reinforced by capitalism, whose fundamental roots are systemic racism and patriarchy, strong arms that demonstrate the failure of criminal law and the prison system as tools for the continuous violation of women's human rights. The conclusions were that reformist alternatives to the prison system are not enough to achieve the utopian ideal of resocialization, reintegration and social rehabilitation, and that society must be made aware and organized based on revolutionary, political, educational and cultural ideals that are informed by the construction of a critical feminist criminology.
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    A Implementação da Racionalidade Neoliberal pelas Decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal em Matéria Trabalhista
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-07-10) Rodrigues, Liliane Meireles Filgueiras; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Serau Junior, Marco Aurélio; Santos Neto, Arnaldo Bastos
    This research was dedicated to verifying the implementation of neoliberal rationality through the decisions of the Federal Supreme Court in labor matters. It was an inductive, interdisciplinary study involving a social phenomenon (neoliberalism) and labor law issues, encompassing labor law as an expression of human rights of a social nature. It consists of bibliographical and documentary research. It begins with a brief history of the neoliberal movement, showing its position on the role of labor in the globalist economy. It was shown that neoliberal rationality, from the beginning of its formation, advocates the molding of legislation, jurisprudence and the division of labor to the needs of economic development. The understanding of relevant neoliberal intellectuals and their dissemination around the world was discussed. It was shown how this rationality is indirectly imposed by international organizations (such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank), as well as the recommendations of the Washington Consensus in relation to work (fragmentation of labor rights and deregulation of work). To this end, we used works by Brown, Dardot and Laval, Eucken, Hayek, Biavach and Moosa. The second chapter shows how labor protection originated, what its objective was, what economic conditions gave rise to it and how this protection developed until the 1988 Federal Constitution. It also shows that the Labor Court emerged in a political context that was more protective of workers. To this end, we briefly discuss how the work relationship in Brazil, since colonization, has been articulated between two economically and socially unequal parties, giving rise to: Labor Law as a branch of law necessary to regulate this relationship between unequal parties; and Labor Justice, as a specialized court, faster and aware of the specificity of the work relationship, the principles that regulate it and the social function of labor law. It was also discussed how the 1988 Federal Constitution, which followed a period of great repression in Brazil, introduced the paradigm of Social Humanist Constitutionalism to the country, giving constitutional status to the human being and to work, and providing for normative principles of a humanist, democratic and social nature (several of which are included in the branch of labor law). It was shown how Labor Law emerged as an expression of human rights of a social nature, since it appeared as a pioneering legal branch in the protection of a socially and economically subordinate class. It discusses the profound cultural crisis faced by the democratic transition resulting from the 1988 Constitution, given the implementation of neoliberal rationality in Brazil since the 1990s (more incisively after Dilma Rousseff's impeachment in 2016), especially in the area of labor law. To this end, it was based especially on the works of Bomfim, Delgado, Maior and Martins. Finally, by analyzing binding decisions by the Federal Supreme Court in major labor matters after 2016, it was found that this Court has been contributing to the implementation of neoliberal rationality in Brazil, ultimately cooperating to weaken labor unions, make labor rights more flexible, deregulate work and reduce the role of the state and the Labor Court, in opposition to the ideals of social welfare established in the 1988 Federal Constitution. To this end, ten binding STF decisions were chosen and analyzed. In order to verify the flexibilization of labor rights resulting from collective bargaining, in which Theme 1046 (established in ARE 1121633) was applied by the TST, a search was carried out on the search engine of the TST's website. Research carried out by DIEESE, CUT, CNJ (among other institutions) was also analyzed in order to verify the weakening of workers' unions, the precariousness of work and the speed of the Labor Court.
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    A proteção internacional do trabalho humano como resistência aos avanços do ideal político das forças do livre mercado: o “negociado sobre o legislado” na visão da OIT
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-03-18) Gratão, Carlos Eduardo Andrade; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Serau Junior , Marco Aurélio; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Azevedo Neto, Platon Teixeira de
    Law no. 13.467/2017, which implemented the so-called Labor Reform, was one of the expressions of neoliberal ideology in the country as it was guided by an interpretation of labor relations as commodities to be priced by free market forces, with minimal or even no intervention by public forces in defense of the most vulnerable party in the contractual relationship, the worker. This law gave the opposing parties, the capitalists and the workers, the power to decide their disputes based on the free disposition of their will, despite the existence of legislation protecting human labor produced under a different political aegis. This precept became known as "negotiated over legislated", possibly inspired by classical liberalism, and therefore contrary to the understanding of the International Labour Organization's (ILO) Committee on Freedom of Association and Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations, whose understanding of labour relations is anchored in political and civilizational frameworks of social justice. Since the hypothesis is that this legal innovation substantially harms human rights, this research was dedicated to demonstrating that the neoliberal political ideal is contrary to social human rights in the form of decent work and that the Brazilian law is incompatible with the ILO's understanding. To this end, the research deals with neoliberalism, its way of acting against the welfare state, democracy and social human rights, by prescribing the preponderance of freedom rights and denying social justice. The research also shows that social, economic and cultural rights have the same philosophical origins as civil and political rights, and examines the justification for the bill presented by the rapporteur in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as some of the statements made by Congressmen during the debates in Parliament. Moreover, it also presents some data on trade unions in the post-reform period, from 2017 onwards, identifying that there has been a weakening of trade union entities, such as the withdrawal of the union tax without any transition period or adaptation rules and the creation of a series of new types of employee contracts, based on the ideal of individual freedom, which fragment the professional category and weaken the social solidarity that is indispensable for the strength of trade union action. Some cases analyzed by the Committee on Freedom of Association were examined in order to verify the interpretative parameter regarding the possibility of collective bargaining to reduce rights provided for by law, as well as statements made by the Committee of Experts specifically regarding the Labor Reform in the period from 2018 to 2023. In the end, the hypotheses were confirmed, in the sense that Law no. 13.467/2017 proved to be a true pro-business public policy, sought to weaken not only the legislation protecting human labor, but also the resistance structures of the working class, in addition to being incompatible with the ILO's understanding. Another important conclusion from a sociological point of view is that the centrality of work has long since lost ground in society to individual freedom under the political designs of neoliberalism. It was documentary and bibliographical research. The justification for the bill presented in the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate were examined, as well as fragments of the deputies' debates using shorthand notes, all obtained from the Chamber of Deputies website. We also examined data on unions in the post-reform period already collected by REMIR – Network for Studies and Interdisciplinary Monitoring of Labor Reform, from the Unicamp Institute of Economics, and by CESIT – Center for Union Studies in Labor Economics, which It is made up of representatives from this Institute of Economics and DIEESE. The research had access to ILO documents from the years 1948, 1949, 1980 and 1981, regarding the preparatory acts for the adoption of ILO Conventions 98 and 154, which were obtained after requesting the ILO library through the email to library@ilo.org. The decisions of the Committee on Freedom of Association and the statements made by the Committee of Experts are data accessible through websites and documents published by the ILO, also accessible on the internet.
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    Capitalismo de vigilância e proteção de dados pessoais: análise do Google Privacy Sandbox à luz dos direitos humanos
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-11-06) Xavier, Marcelo Augusto Pedreira; Bevilacqua, Sólon; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4706313748524604; Bevilacqua, Solon; Cukla, Anselmo Rafael; Franco, Thiago Cardoso
    This study examines how self-regulatory practices for the protection of personal data implemented in the Google Chrome browser, with the Privacy Sandbox, impact human rights. In this sense, the main objective of the work is to investigate whether the use of information technologies involved in behavioral tracking can provoke violations of freedoms, rights, and individual guarantees related to digital informational privacy. Building upon the theoretical and normative framework and through documentary, argumentative, and discourse analysis, the study sought to verify whether the measures of the sandbox will indeed enhance user experience. Additionally, to assess the impacts of this private self-regulation, an empirical study is conducted to promote a diagnosis of consent practices and the use of cookies on the highesttraffic websites in Brazil. This includes a survey of data from the Brazilian regulatory flow with an emphasis on data regulation. The research follows the hypothetical-deductive method, and the results demonstrate the validity of the hypothesis that Google's proposals do not reduce the collection and use of behavioral personal data. Such information will continue to be extensively gathered by companies that exploit surveillance capitalism, which has wide prevalence, as shown in the diagnosis. Data on the impacts of data regulation and actions of informational literacy worldwide indicate that state intervention can be enhanced by combining regulations with public policies that encourage technological appropriation as part of digital inclusion, aiming to develop society's critical awareness regarding privacy in the virtual environment.
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    (Re)Pensando a proteção dos Direitos Humanos: uma análise amefricana e decolonial do caso Simone Diniz vs Brasil
    (Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-22) Pires, Thiago Aparecido; Rosa, Cleudes Maria Tavares; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5957242989246947; Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8128417861243933; Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; Rosa , Cleudes Maria Tavares; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista; Silva, Elson Santos; Silva, Rosemary Francisca Neves
    How can the actions of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in the case of Simone André Diniz v. Brazil influence Brazil's legal and racial dynamics? This work starts from the problem presented, based on the reality of Latin America and Brazil, realities marked by colonization and slavery, which not only left their mark, but also structured the societies, institutions and power in which they were established for centuries. Even with the formal overcoming of colonialism and slavery, their effects still remain with coloniality and racism. This work therefore mobilizes the categories of "decoloniality" and "amefricanity" as a way of combating these effects. In conducting this research, we used the qualitative research technique, documentary analysis and bibliographical research, especially with regard to the documents issued by the IACHR in relation to the Simone Diniz vs Brazil case. We also used dialectical hermeneutics as a theoretical basis and resource to help analyze the case. As a result, we believe that the IACHR's greatest contribution is the dissemination of a culture of respect for human rights, using the category of amefricanity as a starting point for the protection of such rights and as an analytical lens that influences the actions of public authorities, in order to consider the reality of black women in the production and application of government policies, the creation of laws and the administration of justice.