Programa de Pós-graduação em Direitos Humanos

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Direitos humanos e desenvolvimento sustentável: análise dos impactos sobre as comunidades afetadas pela mineração em Goiás na perspectiva da agenda 2030
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2019-10-29) Abreu, Marden Reis de; Tibiriçá, Luciana Gonçalves; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2316623937361550; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Macedo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Tibiricá, Luciana Gonçalves; Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; Maniglia, Elisabete
The objective of this study is to investigate whether mining activities, currently installed and in operation in the state of Goiás, in more than a decade (2005-2017), brought to the local community a significant increase in the quality of life, preservation of the environment and respect for human dignity. The main objective is to obtain an up-to-date and relevant image of economic development in the regions affected by mining, from the perspective of human rights and the UN Agenda 2030. The 17 sustainable development goals (ODS) offer opportunities for companies to contribute to the potential of the mining industry in a way that can be fully leveraged for sustainable development. In this sense, the debate on the exploration and depletion of natural resources in the territories dominated by the Yamanha Gold, Anglo America and Anglo Gold Ashanti companies and the sustainable alternatives of economic diversification during the process of operation and closure of the mines is deepened. The study works with the hypothesis that the economic dependence and environmental degradation generated by the activity can be avoided or reversed, provided that the mining activity is practiced in a conscious, planned and sustainable way. The methodology used will be the bibliographical research and fieldwork that will consist of the analysis of written, iconographic and oral documents (interviews). As a research method and the assumptions of Amartyha Sen, Joaquim Herrera Flores and Julio Marcelo Prieto, the political, economic, social and environmental impacts resulting from the mining activity in the municipalities of Alto Horizonte, Barro Alto-GO and Crixás are analyzed. It can be seen that the mining industries of Goiás have the opportunity and potential to contribute positively to all 17 ODS.
Polícia cidadã? um estudo da formação profissional dos policiais civis do estado de Goiás na perspectiva dos direitos humanos
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-02-28) Almeida, Camila Nunes de; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Rocha, Maria Vital da; Leitão, Rosani Moreira; Arbués, Margareth Pereira
Brazilian public safety policies have been and are still guided by eminently repressive paradigms. Despite the re-democratization and promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988, public safety remained founded on the conceptions of national defense and internal defense developed in the Military Dictatorship, which, in practice, created the figure of an internal enemy to be fought. Democratic openness was not enough to enable structural reforms in the public safety system, which remained centralized in police institutions with a scope of ensuring public order and the safeguarding of the heritage of certain classes. In this conservative scenario, the implementation and consolidation of human rights policies in the public safety system took place late in history - still facing difficulties in consolidating a public safety model capable of ensuring access to rights and the full exercise of citizenship. The focus of the research is to verify whether the Civil Police of the State of Goiás implemented the didactic-pedagogical proposal of a cross-sectional and interdisciplinary approach to human rights issues in the professional training of Civil Police in Goiás, as recommended in the National Human Rights Education Plan (PNEH), of 2006, and the National Curriculum Matrix for Training Actions of Public Security Professionals (MCNSP), of 2014. In order to achieve said objective, the investigation will make a detailed compared documentary analysis of the professional training curricula of agents, clerks and delegates of the Civil Police of the State of Goiás of 2017 and 2019, respectively, with the policies established by the Federal Government for the training of public safety professionals. In addition, survey questionnaires were applied to thirty-six civil policemen from Goiás who participated in the professional training in 2017 as students, teachers and managers. The results obtained with the research revealed the non-adherence of the Civil Police of the State of Goiás to the National Human Rights Education Plan (PNEH), of 2006, and the National Curriculum Matrix for Training Actions of Public Security Professionals (MCNSP), of 2014 in the professionals training of 2017 and 2019.
Violência de gênero e direitos humanos: um estudo do atendimento dos crimes de violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher na 1ª DEAM de Goiânia (2010-2023)
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-05-31) Alves, Glauco Leão Ferreira; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9317426815646934; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; Lima, Ricardo Barbosa de; Sofiati, Flavio Munhoz; Ferreira, Maria Meire de Carvalho; Silva, Guilherme Borges da
Women who are victims of gender-based violence need public policies so that basic human rights are actually implemented. In this way, the objective was to bring to the academic debate the assistance, which occurred between 2010 and 2023, to crimes of domestic and family violence at the 1st Specialized Police Station for Women's Assistance in Goiânia - DEAM, based on discursive textual analysis about the feelings, anxieties, limitations and dilemmas of the civil police officers from this police station. Based on the research entitled Public Security Agents as Subjects of Rights, from the Human Rights Center of the Federal University of Goiás, a questionnaire was applied, in 2023, to 22 professionals who work or worked at this police station: agents, clerks, delegates and psychologists, in a quantitative-qualitative approach. In relation to the theoretical framework that supported this thesis, the theme of violence was approached, from an interdisciplinary perspective, consolidating the importance of the role of the street-level bureaucrat as an agent for transforming an unequal, sexist, violent and prejudiced reality. In this sense, data analysis demonstrated the need for constant training of these civil police officers who are on the front line in the fight against violations of women's rights. The training we are talking about must focus on gender relations and social markers of difference, because it was also noted that there is little institutional appreciation for the police officers who are assigned to this police unit. It is essential to pay attention to the mental health of these professionals who deal with violence on a daily basis and who support a workload increased by the low police force. The lack of motivation and illness of these police officers, who at certain times, see themselves more as subjects of duties than of rights, can negatively reflect on the care provided to victims at DEAM, in contrast to the reason for the existence of this police station: to empower women to break the cycle of violence.
Democracia e liberdade: a falsa promessa do liberalismo no estado ainda-não-democrático de direito brasileiro
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-03-15) Bittar, Guilherme de Moraes; Reis, Helena Esser dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1045681574037243; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Barros, Douglas Ferreira
This research aims to carry out an analysis of the trajectory of liberalism and democracy in Brazil, observing, specifically, the governmental behavior and deportment of recent years. To this end, it intends to establish a study on the conceptions of democracy throughout history, from its ancient stage, in Athens, until its reconfiguration with the influxes of liberalism in the modern era. Still, it aims to analyze liberalism as a political theory of freedom, defining the contours of what we believe to be its main goals, such as the Rule of Law, Constitutionalism and Human Rights. Finally, the focus turns to the analysis of liberalism and democracy in Brazil, first, throughout its constitutions, and then, of the late years, in which there has been a notable reduction in the liberal-democratic process in the country, due to reiterated acts of government that undermined the still frangible Democratic Rule of Law, through attacks and threats towards civil and political freedoms and the structures of representative democracy.
Gestão compartilhada do patrimônio cultural: o registro e a salvaguarda das bonecas de cerâmica Karajá
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-04-29) Cavalcante, Celiane Borges; Leitão, Rosani Moreira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1983245441436723; Leitão, Rosani Moreira; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Lima, Nei Clara de; Portela, Cristiane de Assis
This dissertation presents the results of a study made on the cultural policies aimed at the promotion and protection of practices, knowledge and expressions associated with the ceramic dolls of the Karajá people, recognized as Brazilian cultural heritage in January 2012. The primary goal of this research is to understand how the cultural manifestations of indigenous peoples are being dealt with in the country's cultural policies. The specific objectives are to analyze the registration processes and the actions to safeguard the intangible cultural heritage represented by the Karajá dolls, considering the performance of the National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute (IPHAN), of the Anthropological Museum of the Federal University of Goiás (UFG) and the indigenous communities themselves in these processes, in order to understand this experience of shared and intercultural action involving an institution that manages national policies for the protection of cultural heritage, an academic institution and indigenous communities. One of the questions is whether there is indigenous role as a protagonist in this process of patrimonialization, considering the need to ensure the Karajá people human rights to dignity, autonomy and full citizenship. In this sense, the work seeks to identify subsidies for the development of new actions to strengthen and enhance this cultural asset and its holders. With regard to the theoretical and methodological aspects, the research starts from a decolonial and intercultural conception that, at the same time that it is attentive to the narratives and the indigenous perspectives, seeks to understand the unfolding of dialogue and intercultural actions and the possibilities of construction new knowledge and new practices, through shared management. From this perspective, in addition to reading and consulting the specialized bibliography, documents produced in the processes and actions for registering and safeguarding Karajá dolls were analyzed; direct observation and ethnography of events related to these processes and actions that took place between 2018 and 2020, with notes in a field diary and photographic record, in addition to informal conversations and informal talking and remote interviews with representatives of the institutions and communities involved in the process.
A pobreza como alvo na modernização da assistência social: estudo de caso da adoção do portal Meu INSS para o acesso ao BPC
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2023-08-23) Costa, Caroline Levergger; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Serau Junior, Marco Aurélio; Pagliaro, Heitor de Carvalho
This dissertation analyzes the use of information and communication technologies for access to social rights, especially welfare rights, and deals specifically with how technology is being used to access the Continuous Cash Benefit. It aims to answer whether modernization has generated social progress or resulted in increased vulnerability of the recipients of this public policy. It also investigates whether the use of modernization may be occurring as a veiled fiscal adjustment measure, that is, not formally declared, to reduce access to the benefit. The methodological approach used was a literature review and a documentary analysis of secondary data and empirical research produced on the subject. The INSS DIGITAL program was evaluated based on five analysis criteria: greater coverage and possibility of service, simplification of processes and increased transparency, speed in responding to requests, quality of procedural analysis and fewer demands and savings to public coffers. It was observed that the difficulties in accessing rights, arising from modernization, do not simply stem from technology, but from the way it has been applied by States to mediate their relationship with the vulnerable population and that there are already proposals formulated so that this modernization is compatible with human rights. It was found that historical factors in the evolution of social assistance and the country's own characteristics, as well as the existence of a fiscal adjustment policy, influenced the way in which technologies were incorporated by the State in the provision of services to citizens. In the case of access to the Continuous Cash Benefit, it was found that the modernization of access, as it occurred, did not represent for the vulnerable population an expansion of rights or even an improvement of public service, but reproduced a barrier to be overcome by the citizen and acted as a factor of repression of administrative expenses (fiscal adjustment) even with the payment of benefits, which has grown more slowly since its implementation.
O direito à água frente à mercantilização: um estudo do acesso à água pelas pessoas em situação de rua em Goiânia
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-07-01) Farias, Fernanda Sales França de; Silva, José Antônio Tietzmann e; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4585004100005242; Silva, José Antônio Tietzmann e; Correa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; Oliveira, Dijaci David de
Although the theme of water concerns environmental issues, it is possible to see the relevance of economic discourse in this context. It appears that, on the one hand, we have the recognition of water as a human right, but, on the other, there was its commodification, from the moment it was declared as a good of economic value. So, the research intends to study how the conception of water as a commodity impacts its access by the homeless population, since, when assigning an economic value to a good, its access, consequently, will be determined by having economical means of obtaining it. For this, the bibliographical and documentary research technique was proposed as a methodology, as a means of studying the process of recognizing water as a human right and discussions about water as a commodity. In addition, the empirical research technique was used with an observational procedure method with interviews with homeless people in Centro, Campinas and Universitário neighborhoods in Goiânia, public servants from CentroPop and Serviço Especializado em Abordagem Social, as well as volunteers from non-governmental organizations (Invisível GO, Grupo de Regeneração Chico Xavier and Tio Cleobaldo). Finally, the research outlines a profile of access to water by the group studied, demonstrating that access is insufficient, given the few public water points in the city and is even more difficult when it comes to access to water for hygiene. Furthermore, the stigma suffered by this population stands out and also how inaccessibility to water is one of the various ways in which discourses that make these people invisible and dehumanize are materialized.
Pluralismo democrático e liberdade religiosa: a resistência umbandista no estado democrático de direito brasileiro
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-05-17) Gonçalves, Carina Lopes; Reis, Helena Esser dos; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1045681574037243; Reis, Helena Esser dos; Nascimento, Wanderson Flor do; Santos, Antônio Carlos dos
The aim of this dissertation is to reframe the views on Umbanda in order to project the framing of its practices as forms of political-democratic resistance, claims that oppose the majority interests, observing it as a social and political movement that is part of the logics of sociabilities inherent in the construction processes of democratic collective action. What has been called religious intolerance is at the heart of the country's colonization process, which was based on the illusory idea of religious democracy. Colonialism as a discourse (not so) implicit in modern society created a new paradigm of racialized experiences. The difficulty of meeting Umbanda's demands and its marginalization is related to the long and gradual process of silencing the original beliefs of African origin. To better understand its performance within the established order, it is considered, therefore, how the government regime is established in Brazil, investigating the principles of the Democratic State of Law: this (rule of law), represents a material conception of the it must be and has as its purpose the containment of absolute power; the former is essentially based on popular sovereignty. This theoretical framework also presupposes the promotion of freedom, civic virtue and education of individuals as a whole, based on dialogue between holders of various democratic demands. It so happens that democracy, by itself, does not invariably legitimize the correctness of majority opinion. In the same way, there is no response in the legal and normative order to the longings for a less unequal society. Therefore, it investigates the relations of domination and exclusion perpetrated by groups understood as the majority, within a conflictual dynamic. I say the majority because the IBGE census data, collected from 1980 to 2010, indicate that the number of adherents of Afro- Brazilian religions is, respectively, 0.57%, 0.44%, 0.34% and 0, 30%. It is clearly a numerical minority. It is also said that Afro-Brazilian religions are a social minority because they are at a disadvantage compared to other religions. This is because the practitioners of the faith are disqualified as primitive and barbarian, as the cult of Orixás, ancestry and everything that refers to the “sacred savage” was accompanied by a racist process of real and symbolic repression. But if, on the one hand, this religious group is under-represented and socially marginalized, on the other hand, it appears that Umbanda proliferates on the basis of rupture, resisting Christian religious homogenization. The terreiro is a quilombola space that maintains ancestral knowledge that is part of the national identity. It represents, at the same time, the therapeutic and socio-historical-cultural search. A space of existence, resistance and re-existence. A political-democratic space.
A proteção internacional do trabalho humano como resistência aos avanços do ideal político das forças do livre mercado: o “negociado sobre o legislado” na visão da OIT
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-03-18) Gratão, Carlos Eduardo Andrade; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Serau Junior , Marco Aurélio; Roriz, João Henrique Ribeiro; Azevedo Neto, Platon Teixeira de
Law no. 13.467/2017, which implemented the so-called Labor Reform, was one of the expressions of neoliberal ideology in the country as it was guided by an interpretation of labor relations as commodities to be priced by free market forces, with minimal or even no intervention by public forces in defense of the most vulnerable party in the contractual relationship, the worker. This law gave the opposing parties, the capitalists and the workers, the power to decide their disputes based on the free disposition of their will, despite the existence of legislation protecting human labor produced under a different political aegis. This precept became known as "negotiated over legislated", possibly inspired by classical liberalism, and therefore contrary to the understanding of the International Labour Organization's (ILO) Committee on Freedom of Association and Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations, whose understanding of labour relations is anchored in political and civilizational frameworks of social justice. Since the hypothesis is that this legal innovation substantially harms human rights, this research was dedicated to demonstrating that the neoliberal political ideal is contrary to social human rights in the form of decent work and that the Brazilian law is incompatible with the ILO's understanding. To this end, the research deals with neoliberalism, its way of acting against the welfare state, democracy and social human rights, by prescribing the preponderance of freedom rights and denying social justice. The research also shows that social, economic and cultural rights have the same philosophical origins as civil and political rights, and examines the justification for the bill presented by the rapporteur in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as some of the statements made by Congressmen during the debates in Parliament. Moreover, it also presents some data on trade unions in the post-reform period, from 2017 onwards, identifying that there has been a weakening of trade union entities, such as the withdrawal of the union tax without any transition period or adaptation rules and the creation of a series of new types of employee contracts, based on the ideal of individual freedom, which fragment the professional category and weaken the social solidarity that is indispensable for the strength of trade union action. Some cases analyzed by the Committee on Freedom of Association were examined in order to verify the interpretative parameter regarding the possibility of collective bargaining to reduce rights provided for by law, as well as statements made by the Committee of Experts specifically regarding the Labor Reform in the period from 2018 to 2023. In the end, the hypotheses were confirmed, in the sense that Law no. 13.467/2017 proved to be a true pro-business public policy, sought to weaken not only the legislation protecting human labor, but also the resistance structures of the working class, in addition to being incompatible with the ILO's understanding. Another important conclusion from a sociological point of view is that the centrality of work has long since lost ground in society to individual freedom under the political designs of neoliberalism. It was documentary and bibliographical research. The justification for the bill presented in the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate were examined, as well as fragments of the deputies' debates using shorthand notes, all obtained from the Chamber of Deputies website. We also examined data on unions in the post-reform period already collected by REMIR – Network for Studies and Interdisciplinary Monitoring of Labor Reform, from the Unicamp Institute of Economics, and by CESIT – Center for Union Studies in Labor Economics, which It is made up of representatives from this Institute of Economics and DIEESE. The research had access to ILO documents from the years 1948, 1949, 1980 and 1981, regarding the preparatory acts for the adoption of ILO Conventions 98 and 154, which were obtained after requesting the ILO library through the email to library@ilo.org. The decisions of the Committee on Freedom of Association and the statements made by the Committee of Experts are data accessible through websites and documents published by the ILO, also accessible on the internet.
Da legalidade à seletividade – a prisão preventiva como instrumento de controle e punição de sujeitos a serviço de uma (in)justiça criminal violadora de direitos humanos
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2020-01-30) Lacerda, Julliana Souza; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Cardoso, Franciele Silva; Costa, Alexandre Bernardino
The present work investigates preventive detention and its application in order to understand the discrepancy between Brazilian legislation and jurisprudence and the reality of the prison system. The research consisted in collecting official statistical data about prison population, as well as collecting data on preventive detention in the State Court of Goiás, based on jurisprudence and intern reports. The analysis of the data collected reveals that preventive detention, contrary to the speech of the agencies that control the penal system, is used by these official instances as an instrument of punishment and stigmatization of certain social groups, and reveals a hyper-incarceration policy, based on criminal selectivity, which directly contributes to the increase in the imprisonment rate and criminal reiteration, as well as to a structural violation of human rights.
Movimento LGBTQIA+ no Estado de Goiás: análise do Processo de Entrelaçamento do Direito à Cidade como Conquista para a Consolidação dos Direitos Humanos e da Cidadania
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-02-26) Mateus, Nathalia Pacheco; Costa, Carmem Lucia; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2260768637895317; Costa, Carmem Lucia; Arbues, Margareth Pereira; Souza, Tatiana Machiavelli Carmo
The search analyzes the articulation of social movements, in its expression related to the LGBTQIA+ Movement in the state of Goiás (2020-2022) in the light of feminist and human rights studies, with the general objective of understanding the milestones and the active contribution of the movement to the right to the city and citizenship. The theoretical and provocative conceptions of thinkers such as Henri Lefebvre, Maria da Glória Gohn, Nancy Fraser and Judith Butler constituted the essential theoretical framework. The research was essentially qualitative, making an effort to triangulate data and information, from the theoretical basis (dialectical materialism, intersectional and queer studies) to the sources (interviews, documents, documentaries and newspaper reports). The bibliographical research focused on the categories of citizenship, social movements and gender. The documentary research incorporated data on violence against the LGBTQIA+ population, human rights violations and public policies at national level. The results showed that the dynamics and histories of social movements, especially the LGBTQIA+ movement in the period in question, have the power to build a new notion of citizenship in relation to democracy, and that dissident subjects who radically resist using their affections and their bodies, beyond heteronormativity and the limitations imposed on spaces, are an essential part of the long journey towards the materialization of rights. Finally, we conclude that the LGBTQIA+ movement in the state of Goiás, through its struggle for recognition and rights in the city, is collaborating to materialize human rights and citizenship in public and private spaces, demanding legitimacy and participation as well.
Casa-abrigo: solução ou solidão de direitos? Análise da política de abrigamento para mulheres em risco de feminicídio no Distrito Federal
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-03-31) Mendes, Liz Elainne de Silvério e Oliveira; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2260768637895317; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; Rocha, Maria José Pereira; Ferreira, Carolina Costa
The dissertation analyzes the implementation arrangements of the shelter policy for women at risk of femicide in the Federal District (2019-2020) in the light of feminist and human rights studies of women with the aim of understanding the limits and challenges of this social policy for prevent femicides. Public gender policies, produced under the frameworks of CEDAW, the Federal Constitution, the Convention of Belém do Pará and the Maria da Penha Law, constituted a hermeneutic input to address the “ideals” of housing policies and also to problematize the shelter of Brasília, as a space for both care and “solitude” of rights. The theoretical conceptions and provocations of Heleieth Saffioti, Rita Segato, Lourdes Bandeira and Fabiana Severi constituted the essence of the theoretical framework. The research has a qualitative approach, containing a theoretical part and a descriptive-exploratory part. The bibliographic research privileged the categories: gender violence, feminicide and patriarchy. The documentary research used data on gender violence, feminicide, shelter and public policies to prevent and confront violence against women, in the spheres of district and federal governance. The field research produced data from semi-structured narrative interviews with women who had left the shelter in Brasília and public servants in the Federal District. The analysis of public policy adopted the feminist and interdisciplinary perspectives of human rights and was operationalized according to the human right to care and the premises of the National Pact to Combat Violence against Women (transversality of gender, intersectorality and capillarity). The results reveal that the institutional arrangements of the shelter policy in the Federal District, in the studied period, have similarities and distances with what was consolidated in Brazil as gender policies.
O papel da Polícia Civil e da Segurança Pública na prevenção da violência praticada por crianças e adolescente
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-07-10) Oliveira, Danilo Fabiano Carvalho e; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2283526225862308; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Santos, Nivaldo dos; Silva, Arício Vieira da; Pagliaro, Heitor de Carvalho; Sandes, Wilquerson Felizardo
Using a multidisciplinary approach, which integrates concepts from Criminal Law, Human Rights, Psychology and Political Science, this Doctoral Thesis examined how the collection, analysis and interpretation of information by Police Intelligence can contribute to identifying factors of risk, anticipate criminal trends and target preventive interventions proactively and efficiently. By exploring this theme, we sought not only to expand the understanding of the role of the Civil Police in preventing child and youth crime, but also to provide subsidies for the improvement of public policies and police practices aimed at this purpose. In this sense, the objective of this thesis was to seek to understand the following question: what is the role of the judicial police, in the broader field of public policies for the promotion and guarantee of fundamental rights, full protection and combating the violation of rights that do they directly violate human rights in childhood and youth? With this aim, this study was divided into three axes, namely: 1. How the police perceive themselves (what the judicial police officer thinks they should do); 2. What the police actually do; 3. The role, normatively prescribed by the Judiciary Police (Civil Police), in the production of public policies in favor of children and youth, in particular, with regard to this role, or rather, the non-recurrence of criminal acts. To this end, this Doctoral research adopted a methodological approach that combined bibliographic review, document analysis and discursive analysis based on participant observation. Experiences and practices of the Civil Police of the State of Goiás were examined, as well as interviews with police officers, public security managers, criminology experts and other key actors. The purpose of this methodological use was to capture perceptions and insights into the role and potential of Civil Police Intelligence in preventing criminal acts committed by children and adolescents. Through this process, the expected results were achieved, confirming the research hypothesis; in other words, that the Civil Police institution contributes peculiar and extremely important data that, if treated with strategic intelligence, brought to the attention of the State through public security managers, and also recognized, could contribute to efficient public policies and the prevention of infractions and crimes committed by those at fault. Furthermore, the research showed that the use of Civil Police Intelligence is not limited only to the repression of crimes, but also encompasses educational and preventive actions. This is seen through awareness and training programs. The police can act in primary prevention, educating young people about the risks and consequences of involvement in criminal activities. Investments in technology, personnel training and systems integration are essential to ensure the effectiveness of these strategies in the long term. Therefore, it is possible to reduce juvenile delinquency rates and promote a safer and healthier environment for society as a whole.
A Defensoria Pública e a violência contra a mulher em Goiás
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2022-11-30) Oliveira, Lorena de; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2260768637895317; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; Souza, Tatiana Machiavelli Carmo; Moreira, Maria Ignez Costa
This dissertation investigates the performance of the Public Defender's Office of the State of Goiás as an integral part of the intersectoral support network for women victims of domestic and family violence based on the experience of NUDEM (Specialized Core of Promotion and Defense of Women's Right). The objective of the study is to analyze if the tools developed by the Nucleus are based on intersectional and interdisciplinary feminist theories and methodologies and whether their performance, in some way, promotes the emancipation of those assisted. The methodology used for the investigation was, in addition to the bibliographic review on the subject, semi-structured interviews, which were carried out in person at the headquarters of NUDEM/DPE-GO. For data analysis, five perspectives were used: the institutional bias of the Public Defender's Office as a defender of the pueblo, the analysis of the intersectoral network to support women in situations of violence in the State of Goiás, the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the performance of the Nucleus, the perceptions about the feminist movement among the interviewees and how the personal and the professional cross each other during the performance of NUDEM. As a result, we were able to indicate that the DPE-GO performs a differentiated work when talking about violence against women, and even the physical space is designed so that the service is as effective and humanized as possible. In addition, it was found that the pandemic caused changes in the performance of NUDEM, and some of them were perceived until the conclusion of the study and, also, that the NUDEM professionals had altered behaviors and personal perceptions after the work developed, despite doing severe reservations to feminist conceptions, among other considerations.
(Re)Pensando a proteção dos Direitos Humanos: uma análise amefricana e decolonial do caso Simone Diniz vs Brasil
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-22) Pires, Thiago Aparecido; Rosa, Cleudes Maria Tavares; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5957242989246947; Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8128417861243933; Corrêa, Edwiges Conceição Carvalho; Rosa , Cleudes Maria Tavares; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista; Silva, Elson Santos; Silva, Rosemary Francisca Neves
How can the actions of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in the case of Simone André Diniz v. Brazil influence Brazil's legal and racial dynamics? This work starts from the problem presented, based on the reality of Latin America and Brazil, realities marked by colonization and slavery, which not only left their mark, but also structured the societies, institutions and power in which they were established for centuries. Even with the formal overcoming of colonialism and slavery, their effects still remain with coloniality and racism. This work therefore mobilizes the categories of "decoloniality" and "amefricanity" as a way of combating these effects. In conducting this research, we used the qualitative research technique, documentary analysis and bibliographical research, especially with regard to the documents issued by the IACHR in relation to the Simone Diniz vs Brazil case. We also used dialectical hermeneutics as a theoretical basis and resource to help analyze the case. As a result, we believe that the IACHR's greatest contribution is the dissemination of a culture of respect for human rights, using the category of amefricanity as a starting point for the protection of such rights and as an analytical lens that influences the actions of public authorities, in order to consider the reality of black women in the production and application of government policies, the creation of laws and the administration of justice.
“O crime não faz parte da minha natureza…” da criminologia crítica ao Feminismo-Marxista: vozes de mulheres presas na penitenciária feminina Consuelo Nasser
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2025-09-25) Rezende, Lina Martins; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8826668985459839; Arbués, Margareth Pereira; Cardoso, Franciele Silva; Miranda , Bartira Macedo de; Costa, Carmem Lúcia
Crime and incarceration have always been specific themes of critical criminology, which encompasses various human rights violations resulting from the way in which the criminal justice system has been historically structured. The violent hegemony of state oppression, police repression and the marginalization of the subaltern classes has increased, so that women have increasingly been, in addition to being victims, perpetrators of various crimes, with and without violence, and these are the grounds that justify this work. With an approach focused on the criminal reality of these women in the capital of Goiás and based on a revolutionary Marxian and feminist vision, the research objectives were based on analyzing the voices of women prisoners under the epistemological bias of feminist critical criminology; debating the relationship between criminology, Marxist criticism and feminism and comparing the voices presented by women prisoners with the categories of analysis informed by the research, which are: domestic and family violence, racism, socioeconomic issues, criminal history, drug use, future prospects and the punitive ideal. These categories led to the following problematization: How can historical-dialectical materialism help make critical feminist criminology indivisible and include an intersectional debate based on the voices presented by women prisoners in the Consuelo Nasser Women's Penitentiary? In order to answer this question, in addition to theory, we used a methodological approach based on historical-dialectical materialism, through a review of the literature and the descriptive method, as well as procedures used in field research, such as the case study, observational and statistical methods, with a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the answers to the questionnaires applied through semi-structured questions to a sample of ten incarcerated women, definitively sentenced to a closed regime, aged between 21 and 60. The results showed that the complex situation of women in crime is problematized by the social inequality created and reinforced by capitalism, whose fundamental roots are systemic racism and patriarchy, strong arms that demonstrate the failure of criminal law and the prison system as tools for the continuous violation of women's human rights. The conclusions were that reformist alternatives to the prison system are not enough to achieve the utopian ideal of resocialization, reintegration and social rehabilitation, and that society must be made aware and organized based on revolutionary, political, educational and cultural ideals that are informed by the construction of a critical feminist criminology.
A Implementação da Racionalidade Neoliberal pelas Decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal em Matéria Trabalhista
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-07-10) Rodrigues, Liliane Meireles Filgueiras; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6257334752072083; Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz; Serau Junior, Marco Aurélio; Santos Neto, Arnaldo Bastos
This research was dedicated to verifying the implementation of neoliberal rationality through the decisions of the Federal Supreme Court in labor matters. It was an inductive, interdisciplinary study involving a social phenomenon (neoliberalism) and labor law issues, encompassing labor law as an expression of human rights of a social nature. It consists of bibliographical and documentary research. It begins with a brief history of the neoliberal movement, showing its position on the role of labor in the globalist economy. It was shown that neoliberal rationality, from the beginning of its formation, advocates the molding of legislation, jurisprudence and the division of labor to the needs of economic development. The understanding of relevant neoliberal intellectuals and their dissemination around the world was discussed. It was shown how this rationality is indirectly imposed by international organizations (such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank), as well as the recommendations of the Washington Consensus in relation to work (fragmentation of labor rights and deregulation of work). To this end, we used works by Brown, Dardot and Laval, Eucken, Hayek, Biavach and Moosa. The second chapter shows how labor protection originated, what its objective was, what economic conditions gave rise to it and how this protection developed until the 1988 Federal Constitution. It also shows that the Labor Court emerged in a political context that was more protective of workers. To this end, we briefly discuss how the work relationship in Brazil, since colonization, has been articulated between two economically and socially unequal parties, giving rise to: Labor Law as a branch of law necessary to regulate this relationship between unequal parties; and Labor Justice, as a specialized court, faster and aware of the specificity of the work relationship, the principles that regulate it and the social function of labor law. It was also discussed how the 1988 Federal Constitution, which followed a period of great repression in Brazil, introduced the paradigm of Social Humanist Constitutionalism to the country, giving constitutional status to the human being and to work, and providing for normative principles of a humanist, democratic and social nature (several of which are included in the branch of labor law). It was shown how Labor Law emerged as an expression of human rights of a social nature, since it appeared as a pioneering legal branch in the protection of a socially and economically subordinate class. It discusses the profound cultural crisis faced by the democratic transition resulting from the 1988 Constitution, given the implementation of neoliberal rationality in Brazil since the 1990s (more incisively after Dilma Rousseff's impeachment in 2016), especially in the area of labor law. To this end, it was based especially on the works of Bomfim, Delgado, Maior and Martins. Finally, by analyzing binding decisions by the Federal Supreme Court in major labor matters after 2016, it was found that this Court has been contributing to the implementation of neoliberal rationality in Brazil, ultimately cooperating to weaken labor unions, make labor rights more flexible, deregulate work and reduce the role of the state and the Labor Court, in opposition to the ideals of social welfare established in the 1988 Federal Constitution. To this end, ten binding STF decisions were chosen and analyzed. In order to verify the flexibilization of labor rights resulting from collective bargaining, in which Theme 1046 (established in ARE 1121633) was applied by the TST, a search was carried out on the search engine of the TST's website. Research carried out by DIEESE, CUT, CNJ (among other institutions) was also analyzed in order to verify the weakening of workers' unions, the precariousness of work and the speed of the Labor Court.
Promotoras legais populares: organização coletiva de mulheres para a constituição de um feminismo popular
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2021-03-30) Sá, Priscila Miranda de; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2260768637895317; Costa, Carmem Lúcia; Tavares, Francisco Mata Machado; Santos, Gleys Ially Ramos dos
A partir da atuação das Promotoras Legais Populares, um projeto pautado pela educação jurídica popular e feminista, inaugurado na década de 1994, com foco nos projetos desenvolvidos em São Paulo e Goiânia, foi problematizado: A que serve o projeto de Promotoras Legais populares para a construção de um feminismo popular? A inquietação surge diante da proposta teórica de um feminismo popular e radical, no manifesto Feminismo para os 99% de Cinzzia Arruza, Titihi Battacharya e Nancy Fraser. A pesquisa repousa sobre o desenvolvimento do projeto pela União de Mulheres de São Paulo e pela Faculdade de Direito da UFG, utilizando-se de procedimentos metodológicos, como pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas, pesquisa de campo, observação participante e pesquisa documental. Deste modo, à luz de teorias feministas, bem como da sociologia, retomamos o contexto histórico do projeto de PLPs entrelaçado ao campo dos direitos humanos das mulheres, discutimos a produção de identidades a partir de marcadores da diferença, bem como gênero como categoria de análise e suas limitações diante de um sistema complexo como o sistema capitalista. Por conseguinte, a fim de localizar o campo de ação das PLPs e sua identidade coletiva, propomos uma discussão acerca das relações entre os movimentos de mulheres e movimentos feministas, o que localiza as PLPs na intersecção destes movimentos conformando, deste modo, o que chamamos de movimento social de mulheres feministas e populares.
Mudança de paradigmas na execução das medidas de segurança em Goiás: o PAILI como possibilidade de política pública substitutiva do tradicional modelo manicomial no Brasil
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-01-25) Silva, Beatriz Borges e; Bevilacqua, Solon; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4706313748524604; ; Bevilacqua, Solon; Cardoso, Franciele Silva; Costa, Carmem Lúcia
This dissertation aims to carry out a comparative study between the national panorama of the application of security measures in Brazil, marked by the traditional asylum model, and the reality of Goiás with the treatment offered by the Programa de Atenção Integral ao Louco Infrator (PAILI) for people who suffer from mental disorder and commit crimes. It is intended to investigate the changes brought by PAILI, from its implementation in 2006, in the execution of security measures in the State of Goiás, from the perspective of defending the Human Rights of its patients in the light of the Law n. 10.216/2001 (Psychiatric Reform Law), aiming to identify the program's differences, as well as its effectiveness as a health and public safety policy in order to verify whether it can become an alternative to the treatment carried out by Custody and Psychiatric Treatment Hospitals (HCTPs), which function as a rule in the application of security measures in Brazil. In order to do so, interdisciplinary bibliographic and documentary research were used and also data analysis. Furthermore, questions from areas such as Law, Criminology, Sociology, History, Psychiatry and Psychology were considered, to contextualize the relationship between crime and madness, as well as the stigmas arising from it, which endorse the idea of the madman's dangerousness and support the maintenance of the institution. of the judicial asylum in a repressive nature of security measures to the detriment of therapeutic ones. Furthermore, throughout the research, based on the comparison of the national and Goiás scenarios, the aim is to verify the feasibility of treatment beyond hospitalization in total institutions, seeking a balance between guaranteeing public safety and preserving rights. fundamental elements of these individuals who, often, are forgotten by the State within the walls of judicial asylums, having their dignity and freedom constantly violated.
Entre o silêncio e o acanhamento: o racismo institucional no âmbito dos cursos de formação da magistratura federal entre 2007 e 2019
(Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2024-04-09) Souza, Rodrigo Gonçalves de; Borges, Fernanda da Silva; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6855004439851879; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8107202394331830; Macêdo Filha, Maurides Batista de; Fontenele, Alysson Maia; Dias, Luciana de Oliveira; Huerta, José Zaragoza; Cardoso, Franciele Silva
This research aimed to understand how racial issues have been incorporated into the training of federal judges in recent years and in what way the silencing of racial themes has given way to a timid confrontation within the Judiciary. This study seeks to answer the following question: why has the issue of race been silenced for so long in the professional training of judges, and to this day, is it still treated with restraint? To understand why the issue was silenced for so long in the training of judges, the hypothesis worked with was that, despite advances in the black movement, institutional racism persisted within the institutions that make up the justice system until recently. The theoretical support for this investigation relied on a black epistemology, notably in the works of Silvio Almeida, Adilson Moreira, Antônio Sérgio Guimarães, Aparecida Bento, and Nilma Gomes. The categories addressed were individual, institutional, and structural racism, racism as discourse, prejudice, discrimination, and whiteness, as well as other categories such as color, stereotype, stigma, and intersectionality. This study approached racism from a socio-economic perspective, recognizing it as a form of discrimination based on perceived physical and cultural characteristics as inferior or undesirable, spanning from individual manifestations to structural dimensions. It also explored the social construction of race linked to culture and symbolic practices, discussing the relationship with racism and its connection to racial stereotypes. In discussing the relationship between racism and social exclusion, the importance of technically defining prejudice, discrimination, and stigma was emphasized. The underrepresentation of Black individuals in the judiciary was analyzed considering the need for a racial debate in legal education and the impacts of the lack of diversity in the justice system. Methodologically, a bibliographic survey and documentary analysis were conducted (iconographic elements, official quantitative data, economic and social indicators). It is concluded that racism within the Judiciary imposed a prolonged suppression of race in institutional discussions and points to gradual but still limited progress in addressing racial issues, emphasizing the influence of the black movement and the need for more effective anti-racist pedagogical practices and programs. Furthermore, training in racial studies is essential for the judiciary to respond to social tensions and promote racial equality

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